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作者(中):阮氏荷安
作者(英):Nguyen, Thi Ha An
論文名稱(中):雙頭制的神明信仰系統:越南民族宗教的聖道與母道
論文名稱(英):Diarchy system of ethnic religion: The belief of Thánh and Mẫu in Vietnam
指導教授(中):林修澈
指導教授(英):Lin, Siu-theh
口試委員:李豐楙
陳益源
高振宏
黃季平
口試委員(外文):Lee, Fong-Mao
Chen, Yi-Yuan
Kao, Chen-Hung
Huang, Chi-Ping
學位類別:博士
校院名稱:國立政治大學
系所名稱:中國文學系
出版年:2020
畢業學年度:108
語文別:中文
論文頁數:425
中文關鍵詞:越南民族宗教雙頭制聖道母道
英文關鍵詞:Vietnamese ethnic religiondiarchyThánhMẫu
Doi Url:http://doi.org/10.6814/NCCU202000295
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本文以「越南民族宗教系統」為研究對象,透過這個研究試圖系統化越南民族宗教,然而從宗教所串連的文化、歷史、思想等來重新省視越南位於東南亞文明和中國文明之間的民族個性。
東南亞作為一個區域的單位可以找到他們的共同點,一點是稻米文化,另外一點是母系社會的觀念和結構。在這樣的文化空間,越南在東南亞裡面有一個特殊的地位,因為越南是東南亞國家裡面深受中國文化的影響。中國社會的基礎是父系社會,大家也常常用這樣的眼光來看待越南,似乎越南也是個父系社會,在東南亞裡面顯出特殊的地位。事實上,深入理解越南社會以後, 發現它的文化底層還是母系社會。在深受中國文化之後,在現代的越南社會仍然可以看出母系社會的一些特質,例如女人在家庭運作中的主導地位。因此,越南神明世界應該是以女神為基底,上面覆蓋一層男神,表現出強烈的越南性格,並且和中國父系性格有明顯的區隔。
一、Approche:文獻彙整與田野深入調查
本文從彙整有關「聖道」和「母道」神明的神話、傳說、歷史紀錄、宗教經典、降筆文、朝聖歌文、靈媒活動記錄等。透過古典漢文書籍和越南本土的古典漢文和喃文材料、近代法國遠東博古學院的越南研究以及現代國內和歐美越南宗教研究著作,本文從中試圖找出:一、越南宗教信仰在每一個時期的概況;二、最貼近真實信仰活動的觀察和記錄;三、從不同的研究角度如何看待越南民間宗教以及如何理解聖界和俗界在越南社會上的相應觀系。從而,站在前人的觀察和論述,希望能夠推進一步為越南民間宗教畫出比較有系統性的全景。
若文獻考查從時間軸上給予比較歷史性的理解,田野調查則提供了實物的驗證和當今的信仰情況和發展趨向。透過北中南重點廟宇田野,可以觀察到當今信仰對其歷史的理解、對現今社會政治宗教環境的發展策略以及推斷其在未來的發展趨勢。另外,從對當今從事信仰儀式工作者的訪談,可以對比文獻所記錄材料跟現實的落差,從田野資料來補足文獻記錄,以更全面看待越南民間信仰的面貌。
二、越南的雙頭制民族宗教系統:聖道與母道
若「聖道」建構的背後是國家政權的大力推廣,那麼「母道」的發展則反映了本土信仰力量。若「聖道」支撐著國家的獨立民族精神,「母道」則化解民族之間、信仰之間的差異或衝突。對比聖道是政治勢力所塑造出來,母道則由民間能量引領出來的。當「母道」也強大起來,民間力量足夠與「聖道」聖到抗衡,「母道」與「聖道」也經歷了消長到收容過程,成就了越南雙頭制民族宗教系統。在互相競爭的時候,代表在地本土力量的「母道」雖然強大,但面對具有支配人政和神政的統治階層,在某種程度上會互相交融。同時,也各自對外收容,「母道」則匯聚了各個民族的女性神明,包括占婆族、高棉族、華族的母神。聖母兩道也同時對佛教、道教、印度教神明進行交融,「聖道」則為民族建立自己的神聖祖先,與中國區分開來。聖母兩道也調節世俗權威和神聖權威之間的角力,反應了皇權從未完全掌握神權的現象。因此。在強烈力量的儒教父權壓力之下,「聖道」仍然保存與發展,平衡了神權。
三、越南民族宗教的性格
第一,越南民族信仰基本上是一個雙頭制信仰結構,聖道信仰折射了越南社會的男性神明、男權意識、皇權的制裁、抗敵護國、民族獨立、民族英雄主義,而母道信仰反代表著母性神明、女權意識、民族本土力量、民族包容能力、民族文化資產。第二、越南民族宗教信仰基本上以「綜合」精神以及「受容」能力作為發展原則。若聖道的主要功能是凝聚民族精神的向心力,那麼母道的主要功能是藉由宗教神明的受容來化解民族之間的歧見。在越南抗敵護國、往南方擴大領土的過程中,這兩項功能都扮演關鍵的作用。第三、越南信仰宗教的 「方便」原則。為了讓信徒「方便」供奉神明,便可以受容其他宗教信仰的民族入內院,或者為其他宗教信仰在自己祠廟旁邊興建祂的廟宇,形成了許多綜合性信仰聖地。以「方便」原則,未來母道的發展,尤其是南部的母道,可以期待更多跨宗教、民族的信仰現象。第四,神明的「靈」比神像的「形」重要。這個原則由母道運用非常自如,成為越南宗教信仰非常有趣的特徵。在越南人的宗教觀,神明的「靈」才是最重要的,該「靈」甚至可以借用其他宗教的神明而表現出來。因為神明的「靈」是信仰的核心,而其可以以不同的「形」表現出來。這種神明觀是越南母道從民間崛起但迅速跨宗教、跨信仰、跨民族發展的核心原則。第五,越南民族宗教信仰的發展過程,也是官方皇權和民間力量的互相消長過程。
This thesis focus on the "ethnic religious system" of Vietnam. Through this research, we may attempt to systematize the ethnic religion in Vietnam, and rethink Vietnam's ethnic identities between civilizations in Southeast Asia and China in terms of culture, history, and ideas linked by religion.
Southeast Asian cultural region have two things in common, one is rice culture and the other is the concept and structure of matriarchal society. In such a cultural space, Vietnam has a special status in Southeast Asia, because Vietnam is a Southeast Asian country deeply influenced by Chinese culture. The foundation of Chinese society is a patrilineal society. Everyone often looks at Vietnam from this perspective. It seems that Vietnam is also a patrilineal society in Southeast Asia. In fact, after a deep understanding of Vietnamese society, it was found that its cultural base was still matriarchal. After being deeply influenced by Chinese culture, some characteristics of matriarchal society can still be seen in modern Vietnamese society, such as the dominant role of women in family operations. Therefore, the Vietnamese god world should be based on goddesses, covered with a layer of male gods, showing a strong Vietnamese identity, and clearly distinguished from the Chinese patrilineal identity.
A. The approach: Compiling documents and field survey
This thesis compiles the myths, legends, historical records, religious classics, pilgrimages, spiritual activity records, etc. about the “Thánh” and “Mẫu” deities. Based on classical Chinese and Nôm materials from Vietnam, modern French studies, and modern Vietnam religious studies, this thesis attempts to find out: First, overview of Vietnamese religions in each period; second, the observations and records that are closest to the true faith activities; third, how to look at Vietnamese ethnic religions from different research perspectives and how to understand the corresponding perspectives of the Holy and the Vulgar in Vietnamese society. Therefore, the observations and expositions of the predecessors hope to further draw a more systematic panorama for Vietnamese ethnic religion.
If the documents give a more historical understanding from the time axis, the field survey provides physical verification and the current belief situation and development trend. Through the key temple field trips in the North, Central and South, we can observe the current understanding of the faith, its development strategy of the current social, political, and religious environment, and infer its future development trends. In addition, from interviews with people engaged in faith rituals, we can compare the gap between the material recorded in the literature and reality, and supplement the documentary records with field data to take a more comprehensive look at the system of Vietnamese ethnic beliefs.
B. Diarchy system of Vietnamese ethnic religion: The belief of Thánh and Mẫu
If the construction of the “Thánh” is strongly promoted by the state power, then the development of the “Mẫu” reflects the strength of local belief. If “Thánh” supports the independent national spirit of the country, “Mẫu” resolves differences or conflicts between ethnics and beliefs. If “Thánh” is shaped by political forces, then “Mẫu” is led by folk energy. When the “Mẫu” also became strong, the civilian power was enough to compete with the “Thánh” holy, and the “Mẫu” and “Thánh” also went through the process of ups and downs to the containment process, which achieved the Vietnamese diarchy ethnic religion system. When competing with each other, although the “Mẫu” representing the local indigenous power is strong, it will blend with each other to some extent in the face of the ruling class that has both human and divine power. At the same time, they were also housed separately. The “Mẫu” gathered female gods of various ethnic groups, including the mother gods of the Cham, Khmer and Chinese ethnic groups. The two beliefs also mingled Buddhism, Taoism, and Hindu deities, while the “Thánh” established its own sacred ancestor for the nation and distinguished it from China. The two beliefs also regulate the wrestling between lay authority and sacred authority, reflecting the fact that imperial power has never fully controlled the divine power. Therefore, under the strong pressure of Confucian patriarchy, the “Thánh” is still preserved and developed, balancing the divine power.
C. Vietnamese ethnic religion identities
First, the Vietnamese national belief is basically a diarchy belief structure. The "Thánh" reflects the male deities, patriarchal consciousness, imperial sanctions, resistance to the enemy, national independence, national heroism, and matriarchy in Vietnamese society. Belief on “Mẫu” represents maternal deities, feminist consciousness, national indigenous power, national tolerance, and national cultural assets. Second, the religious beliefs of the Vietnamese nation are basically based on the "comprehensive" spirit and "acceptance" ability as development principles. If the main function of "Thánh" is to consolidate the centripetal force of the national spirit, then the main function of "Mẫu" is to resolve the differences between ethnics through the acceptance of religious deities. Both of these functions play a key role in Vietnam's resistance to the enemy's defense and the expansion of its territory to the south. Third, the "convenience" principle of Vietnamese religion. In order to make it easier for worshippers to worship the gods, they can accept people of other religions into the inner courtyard, or build his temples next to their own temples for other religions, forming many holy places of comprehensive faith. With the "convenience" principle, the future development of the "Mẫu", especially in the south, can expect more phenomena of cross-religion and ethnic belief. Fourth, the "spirit" of the deities is more important than the "form" of the deities. This principle is used very freely by the "Mẫu" and has become a very interesting feature of Vietnamese religion. In the religious view of the Vietnamese, the "spirit" of the deity is the most important. The "spirit" can even be expressed by the deities of other religions. Because the "spirit" of the deity is the core of faith, and it can be expressed in different "forms". This view of the gods is the core principle of Vietnam's "Mẫu" rising from the nongovernmental class but developing rapidly across religions, beliefs, and nations. Fifth, the development process of Vietnamese religious beliefs is also a process of mutual growth and decline between official imperial power and folk power.
目次
緒論: 越南人的神明世界 1
一、 越南民間信仰神明概況 1
(一) 自然神崇拜的印跡:四法(Tứ pháp)神崇拜 1
(二) 城隍(Thành hoàng)神崇拜:越南神明集大成 4
二、 文獻回顧:越南民間信仰的研究及其發展 6
(一) 越南民間信仰整體的研究:從現象記錄到系統化意識 7
(二) 母道系統的建立:風起雲湧的趨勢 21
(三) 聖道系統的建立:無法分辯清楚的混融關系 27
三、 問題意識、研究方法與章節結構 28
(一) 問題意識:雙頭制宗教系統 越南文化的二元性 28
(二) 研究方法與範圍 28
(三) 章節結構與各章提要 29
第一章 雙頭制:越南人的社會與思維 33
第一節 越南的家庭結構:夫的治理,妻的管理 33
一、 越南與中國的差異:《洪德法典》對女性權利的保護條款 33
二、 夫的治理:男性在婚姻中的地位及權力 41
三、 妻的管理:從家庭經濟支柱擴充到政治與宗教的社會參與 52
第二節 建國過程中的政治意識和民族自覺:陽違vs 陰奉 61
一、 外藩國vs內皇帝:化解北方勢力與製造越南中心秩序 62
二、 外漢字 vs內喃字:以越南為中心的華夷秩序 70
三、 外儒學vs內禪學:接納儒學思想與挖掘民族思維 79
第三節 越南民間宗教的神明觀:天公vs 地母 86
一、 后土夫人:女性神明在國家神壇制度中的地位 86
二、 國家神壇的至尊:天公 91
三、 民間信仰的至聖:地母 93
第二章 越南人的「聖道」(Đạo Thánh)信仰 95
第一節 男人/神的新天下:聖道發展與父權意識的對應關係 95
一、 男性神明的建構:聖道的崛起 95
二、 佛教「三聖」:徐道行、楊空路、阮覺海 99
三、 各界男神的最聖:聖道 101
四、 聖中至聖:四不死 106
五、 建立新傳統:「聖道」的發展過程 109
第二節 祖聖的溯源:從開國傳說鴻龐氏到雄王信仰 119
一、 鴻龐氏紀:從聖道的崛起神話到歷史 119
二、 雄王信仰:民族意識的宗教化 129
第三節 塑造德聖:聖道中的人神仙各界人物如何昇入「聖」界 135
一、 從神界昇入「聖」界:傘德聖、Dóng 德聖 135
二、 從仙界昇入「聖」界:褚德聖 140
三、 從人界昇入「聖」界: Láng德聖、阮德聖 145
第四節 聖界代表、最聖英雄:陳德聖(Đức Thánh Trần) 147
一、 陳興道-為人 147
二、 陳興道-為神 149
三、 陳興道-為聖 152
第五節 聖道的蘊藏意識 156
一、 建立越南國家神壇:本土神明結構 156
二、 南國意識:獨立自主的國家 158
三、 脫中意識的努力:以南北化分來追溯民族始祖 163
第三章 越南人的「母道」(Đạo Mẫu)信仰 173
第一節 母道的神明結構:南進與超越 173
一、 母道神明結構在南進發展過程的面貌 173
二、 從母神崇拜到三府母、一府母:母道所匯聚的最高掌管權 179
三、 從眾多母神中脫穎而出:延續舊傳統、建立新面貌 180
第二節 三府母:從空間掌管母到母道中心結構 182
一、 嶽府母與水府母:越南人生活空間中心的遷徙與擴展 182
二、 「三府母」概念的轉變:人府母的參與 187
三、 「天母」概念在中、南部的建構 190
第三節 柳杏母:神聖人母的代表 191
一、 柳杏公主-傳說中、古典中的為人 191
二、 柳杏僊主-從為神昇化為僊 196
三、 柳杏母-母道至高主母 201
第四節 天依阿那聖母:占族神明京族信仰-民族間的碰撞與和解 208
一、 Po Inư Nưgar: 占族人的處所之母 208
二、 天依阿那聖母:母道最高神聖 211
第五節 南部母神的崛起 217
一、 處主婆:高棉族男神像京族母道信仰-多層信仰的匯聚 217
二、 天后聖母:華人海上保護神的越南化崇拜 221
第四章 越南人「聖道」與「母道」之消長過程 227
第一節 聖道面對母神:擺脫、佔據、接納 227
一、 「雄王神明系統」vs「徵王神明系統」 227
二、 崇山大戰:聖道神明對母道神明的神力鬥法 230
三、 為母尋父:聖道以自我中心思維來滲透母道 233
四、 南國女神第一:母神經由皇權的敕封而完全被聖道所接納 239
第二節 母道面對聖道:自崛、對抗、屈服、接納、凌駕 242
一、 從三府聖到三府母:母道的借殼上市 242
二、 「聖母之皇弟」 和朝廷式神壇:母道對聖道的凌駕 251
三、 母道神壇的「陳朝班」:女性男性神明的平衡 259
第三節 聖道與母道的協議:「八月祭父、三月祀母」 269
一、 八月祭父三月祀母:聖道和母道的最佳協議 269
二、 起乩儀式:青童和童姑的超越性別界線 274
三、 「形」、「靈」、「影」的關係:南方處主婆的獨尊 284
第五章 兩道的各自對外受容與雙頭制體系的發展 291
第一節 越南各民族神明在「母道」信仰中之交融過程 291
一、 北部:京族、岱族族、儂族的「母道」神 291
二、 中部:京族、占族的「母道」神 298
三、 南部:京族、高棉族、華族的「母道」神 303
第二節 越南本地聖母兩道與外來宗教神明之交融過程 309
一、 前佛後聖:聖道與佛教之融合 309
二、 佛寺裡的母府:母道與佛教之融合 314
三、 瑤池金母:母道與道教之融合 322
第三節 聖母兩道的發展:成為民族主義和民族文化的現代呈現 327
一、 聖道成為民族主義的現代呈現:雄王、陳興道、胡志明 327
二、 聖道、母道從匯聚各民族信仰成為民族文化 346
結論 351
一、 越南民族宗教的雙頭制信仰系統:聖道與母道 351
二、 越南民族宗教的特性 354
參考文獻 357
附錄 381
附錄一:「𤿰行」母道與聖道民間祀畫 381
附祿二:母道信仰的紙紮貢品圖(1945年之前) 389
附祿三:1973年峴港市乩童遊行 394
附錄四:母道的朝文列表 398
附錄五:母道信仰的降筆文列表 401
附錄六:陳興道信仰的朝文列表 402
附錄七:祀奉陳興道的祠廟名列 403
附錄八:北部四府母道主要廟宇 418

〔春秋〕《墨子‧節用篇》。
〔漢〕《史記》。
〔後漢〕《後漢書》
〔唐〕《柳毅傳書》。
〔唐〕《唐律疏議。
〔明〕《大明律》。
〔明〕《明實錄》。
〔明〕李文鳳撰《越嶠書》。
〔明〕陳鑑如,《竹林大士出山之圖》,現藏遼寧博物館。
〔清〕《大明律》。
〔清〕《清實錄》。
〔清〕褚人獲,《堅瓠餘集》。
〔東晉〕常璩著,《華陽國志校補圖注》。
〔李(朝鮮)〕《朝鮮王朝實錄》。
〔李〕李濟川《粵甸幽靈集》。
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〔後黎〕《大越史記全書》。
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〔後黎〕《奉事佛碑記》,漢喃研究院藏書,編號 #3594-3597。
〔後黎〕《洪德法典》。
〔後黎〕《國朝詔令善政》。
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〔阮〕《上岸公主合演》,國家圖書館數位典藏,R.1785。
〔阮〕《大南實錄》,漢喃研究院,A.2772/1-67。
〔阮〕《大南實錄前編》,漢喃研究院,VHv.1320/1-4。
〔阮〕《安郎徐道行事蹟實錄》,國家圖書館數位典藏,AB.589。
〔阮〕《修身要道經》,國家圖書館數位典藏,R.3943。
〔阮〕《國史遺編》,漢喃研究院,A.1045/1-2。
〔阮〕《雲葛神女古錄演音》,Yale數位典藏,AB.352。
〔阮〕《䧺王玉譜》,國家圖書館數位典藏,R.285。
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〔阮〕《董天王傳》,Yale數位典藏,AB.648。
〔阮〕《鄭開陽雜誌‧卷6‧安南紀略》
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〔阮〕東京義塾 編輯1907,《改良蒙學國史教科書》,河內:東京義塾出版。
〔阮〕1908,《傘圓山玉譜》,南定:同樂庯。
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〔阮〕1921,《陳朝殿帥宗元統會經》,樂勸壇經濟壇勝益壇奉候板在經濟壇。
〔阮〕1922,《地母真經》,河内:玉山祠藏板。
〔阮〕1924,《陳朝三界洞祈寶經》,永峯祠藏板。
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〔阮〕1938,《列聖寶誥真經》,河東:僊聖祠藏板。
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〔阮〕雲碧峝主1933,《靈鄉三位聖母警世真經演音》,河東:富春祠藏板。
〔阮〕 潘輝注,《歷朝憲章類誌》,喃字保存基金數位典藏,編號R.1610。
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