本研究旨在探討美國華語繼承語使用者（heritage speakers）與台灣華語母語者（native speakers）在「一+量詞+名詞」結構中的語音與語法表現差異，特別聚焦於「一」字的變調產出與量詞使用的正確性。過去文獻顯示，華語母語兒童通常在幼兒時期即能掌握「一」的變調規則及數量結構的基本語序與形式，而第二語言學習者在此結構的習得上則常見偏誤。然而，目前針對華語繼承語使用者在該結構習得上的研究仍相對缺乏，特別是針對成年華語繼承語者在語音與語法雙層面表現的實證探討，尚屬文獻上的空白。
本研究設計了一項口語產出任務，招募兩組受試者：一組為長期成長於台灣的華語母語者( N=21 )；另一組為成長於美國、家庭中接觸華語但社會語言環境以英語為主的華語繼承語使用者( N=21 )。受試者根據圖片上方對應名詞的漢字、漢語拼音與英文對照提示，口頭產出「數量+量詞+名詞」的結構。
研究結果顯示，第一，在「一」之變調產出方面，華語繼承語組整體正確率表現略低於母語組，但兩組差異幅度不大，顯示「一」的變調對華語繼承語者而言並未構成主要困難。在「一」後接不同聲調時，其變調準確率呈現接第一聲最高，其次為接第四聲與接第二聲，接第三聲最低的分布趨勢。第二，在量詞使用方面，華語繼承語者之整體正確率明顯低於母語組，顯示量詞選擇仍為其語法發展中較具挑戰性的面向。量詞使用準確率在語義明確且日常高頻的詞組中高於語義彈性較高且可替代性較強的詞組。第三，在偏誤型態上，華語繼承語者在應變聲調時傾向保留原調而未進行變調，部分結果與之前研究相符。在量詞使用方面，偏誤主要集中於以泛用量詞「個」取代特定量詞。無論在語音或語法層面，偏誤呈現集中於少數個體之分布特徵，顯示繼承語者在語言表現上有明顯之個體差異。
綜合而言，本研究顯示華語繼承語者在語音與語法層面的表現並不一致：相較於量詞使用，「一」的變調產出較為穩定。本研究不僅補充華語繼承語者在語音與語法的實證資料，亦呼應既有文獻對於繼承語個體差異的觀察，並進一步提出以語言特徵與個體差異為基礎之教學建議，作為華語繼承語教學與未來研究之參考。

This study examines the phonological and grammatical performance by Mandarin heritage speakers in the United States (heritage speakers) and native Mandarin speakers in Taiwan (native speakers) in the structure “Yi + Classifier + Noun”. The study focuses on the production of yi tone sandhi and the accuracy of classifier use. Previous studies show that Mandarin-speaking children typically acquire the tone sandhi rule of yi and numeral classifier constructions at an early stage, whereas second language learners often exhibit errors in these structures. However, empirical research on adult Mandarin heritage speakers in this domain remains limited.
An oral production task was conducted with two groups of participants: native Mandarin speakers in Taiwan (N = 21) and Mandarin heritage speakers raised in the United States (N = 21). Participants produced “Num + Classifier + Noun” phrases based on picture prompts with written cues in Chinese characters, Pinyin, and English.
The results show that the heritage speaker group performed slightly worse than the native speaker group in yi tone sandhi production, although the difference between the two groups was relatively small, suggesting that tone sandhi does not pose a major difficulty for heritage speakers. When yi is followed by different tones, tone sandhi accuracy is highesst before T1 , followed by T4 and T2, and lowest before T3. In contrast, the heritage speaker group showed lower accuracy in classifier use, indicating that classifier selection remains challenging, with higher accuracy for semantically clear and high-frequency items than for semantically flexible and highly substitutable items. Error analysis reveals that heritage speakers tended to retain the original tone of yi rather than applying tone sandhi when required, a pattern partially consistent with findings reported in previous studies. In terms of classifier use, errors mainly involved the overgeneralization of the general classifier ge (個) in place of more specific classifiers. These errors were not evenly distributed but were concentrated among a small number of individuals.
Overall, the findings suggest different patterns of performance between phonology and grammar in Mandarin heritage speakers: tone sandhi production appears relatively stable, whereas classifier use shows greater variability. The study provides empirical evidence on the phonological and grammatical development in Mandarin heritage language and offers implications for Mandarin heritage language teaching and future research.

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