| 研究生: |
奕澤 Yimovie Sakue-Collins |
|---|---|
| 論文名稱: |
環境政治與資源治理的(去) 建構:奈及利亞和台灣資源開採主義的去殖民化分析 The (Un)Making of Environmental Politics and Resource Governance: A Decolonial Analysis of Extractivism in Nigeria and Taiwan |
| 指導教授: |
湯京平
Ching-Ping Tang |
| 口試委員: |
簡旭伸
Chien, Shuih-Shen 劉曉鵬 Liu, Philip Hsiao-Pong 林義鈞 Lin, Yi-Chun Abidde, Sabella Ogbobode |
| 學位類別: |
博士
Doctor |
| 系所名稱: |
社會科學學院 - 亞太研究英語博士學位學程(IDAS) International Doctor Program in Asia-Pacific Studies(IDAS) |
| 論文出版年: | 2026 |
| 畢業學年度: | 115 |
| 語文別: | 英文 |
| 論文頁數: | 345 |
| 中文關鍵詞: | 環境政治 、資源治理 、關鍵歷史轉折 、後殖民研究 、制度轉化能力 (ICC) 、去殖民性 、制度轉化 、發展型國家 、臺灣 、奈及利亞 |
| 外文關鍵詞: | Environmental Politics, Resource Governance, Critical Juncture, Postcolonial Studies, ICC, Decoloniality, Repurpose, Developmental State, Taiwan, Nigeria |
| 相關次數: | 點閱:37 下載:1 |
| 分享至: |
| 查詢本校圖書館目錄 查詢臺灣博碩士論文知識加值系統 勘誤回報 |
為何某些後殖民社會能夠將繼承自殖民時期的制度轉化為促進生產性積累、產業升級與發展型治理的機制,而另一些社會卻長期陷於資源掠奪、租賃依賴與制度脆弱的循環之中?本研究透過臺灣與奈及利亞的比較歷史分析探討此一問題。兩者皆承襲了具有掠奪性質的殖民制度,卻在二十世紀下半葉走上了截然不同的發展道路。現有文獻分別強調文化、殖民遺緒、政體類型、制度品質、地理條件、領導者或資源稟賦等因素,但皆無法充分解釋為何相似的殖民制度會產生如此懸殊的發展結果。本論文主張,發展分歧源於殖民制度遺產、資源結構與地緣政治壓力三者在特定歷史脈絡中的交互作用;這些因素共同重塑政治菁英的誘因,並決定繼承而來的制度是在關鍵歷史轉折點被轉化,抑或被延續。為解釋此一過程,本文提出「制度轉化能力」(Institutional Conversion Capacity, ICC)的概念,將其界定為政治菁英與國家制度將既有制度由掠奪機制重新轉化為生產性協調、發展型治理及長期社會經濟轉型工具的能力。本文不再將制度視為天生具有包容性或掠奪性,而是聚焦於制度在何種條件下具有發展性的可轉化能力。本研究以去殖民性(Decoloniality)為理論基礎,並結合比較歷史分析、歷史制度論、發展型國家理論、財政社會學與後殖民政治經濟學,重構臺灣與奈及利亞自殖民時期至當代的國家形成、市場組織、財政制度、官僚體制發展、資源治理與菁英聯盟的演變歷程。研究進一步建構一套制度可轉化分析框架,連結殖民制度遺產、資源結構、地緣政治壓力、菁英誘因、問責機制與發展結果。本文認為,制度並非機械式地跨越歷史時期自我複製,其發展效果取決於制度本身的可轉化能力,以及政治行動者在關鍵歷史時刻所面對的誘因結構。更廣泛而言,本研究指出,後殖民社會未來的發展,並不僅取決於其所繼承的制度,更取決於其是否具備將這些制度加以轉化的政治能力與制度誘因。
Why do some postcolonial societies transform inherited institutions into mechanisms of productive accumulation, industrial upgrading, and developmental governance, while others remain trapped in cycles of extraction, rent dependence, and institutional fragility? This study addresses this question through a comparative historical analysis of Taiwan and Nigeria, two postcolonial societies that inherited extractive colonial institutions yet experienced markedly divergent developmental trajectories during the second half of the twentieth century. Existing explanations variously emphasise culture, colonial legacies, regime type, institutional quality, geography, leadership, or resource endowments. While each offers important insights, none adequately explains why similarly extractive colonial institutions generated profoundly different developmental outcomes. This thesis argues that developmental divergence emerged from the historically contingent interaction between colonial institutional inheritance, resource structures, and geopolitical pressures, which together reshaped elite incentives and determined whether inherited institutions were transformed or reproduced during critical historical junctures. To explain this process, the study introduces the concept of Institutional Conversion Capacity (ICC), defined as the ability of political elites and state institutions to repurpose inherited structures from mechanisms of extraction into instruments of productive coordination, developmental governance, and long-term socio-economic transformation. Rather than treating institutions as inherently inclusive or extractive, the analysis focuses on the conditions under which institutions become developmentally convertible. Anchored in decoloniality, and drawing upon comparative historical analysis, historical institutionalism, developmental state theory, fiscal sociology, and postcolonial political economy, the study reconstructs the evolution of state formation, market organisation, fiscal systems, bureaucratic development, resource governance, and elite coalitions in Taiwan and Nigeria from the colonial period to the contemporary era. The study develops a convertibility framework linking colonial institutional inheritance, resource structures, geopolitical pressures, elite incentives, accountability regimes, and developmental outcomes. It argues that institutions do not mechanically reproduce themselves across time; rather, their developmental effects depend upon their convertibility and the incentive structures confronting political actors during critical junctures. More broadly, it suggests that the future of postcolonial development depends not simply on the institutions societies inherit, but on the political capacity and incentives to transform them.
CHAPTER ONE 1
INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY 1
1.1 Introduction 1
1.2 Statement of Research Problem 5
1.3 Research Questions 7
1.4 Research Objectives 8
1.5 Significance of the Study 8
1.6 Literature Gap and Theoretical Positioning of the Study 10
1.7 Theoretical Framework and Conceptual Architecture 17
1.7.1 Analytical Framework and Operationalisation of Variables 23
1.8 Methodology and Research Design 24
1.8.1 Research Philosophy: Decoloniality and Interpretivism 24
1.8.2 Inductive reasoning and Comparative Case Study 26
1.8.3 Time horizon and Longitudinal Structure 29
1.8.4 Mixed method of Data Collection 29
1.8.5 Data Analysis Strategy 30
1.8.6 Operationalising Institutional Conversion Capacity (ICC) 31
1.8.7 Process Tracing 36
1.8.8 Data Analysis 41
1.8.9 Reliability, Validity, Analytical rigour, and Ethical considerations 41
1.9 Scope and Limitations of the Study 42
1.10 Structure of the Dissertation 44
CHAPTER TWO 47
COLONIAL FOUNDATIONS OF EXTRACTIVISM: TAIWAN AND NIGERIA IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE 47
2.1 Introduction 47
2.2 Colonialism, Settler Colonialism, Extractivism, and Institutional Formation: Theoretical Debates 49
2.3 Japanese Colonialism in Taiwan: Settler-Colonial Developmental Extractivism 54
2.3.1 Taiwan’s Incorporation into the Japanese Empire 54
2.3.2 Settler Colonialism, Territorial Governance, and Bureaucratic Penetration in Taiwan 55
2.4 British Colonialism in Nigeria: Fragmented Sovereignty, Indirect Rule, and Extractive Territoriality 59
2.4.1 The Formation of Colonial Nigeria and the Logic of Fragmented Extraction 59
2.4.2 Indirect Rule and Bifurcated Sovereignty 60
2.4.3 Commodity Extraction, Palm Oil, and the Political Economy of Colonial Nigeria 62
2.4.4 Education, Administrative Unevenness, and Regional Differentiation 63
2.4.5 Weak State Penetration and the Limits of Colonial Convertibility 66
2.5 Colonial Market Formation, Infrastructural Integration, and Comparative Political Economy 67
2.6 Colonial Institutions, Elite Incentives, and the Problem of Convertibility 71
2.6.1 Issues of Convertibility 78
2.6.2 The Convertibility Matrix 82
CHAPTER THREE 88
CRITICAL JUNCTURES AND DIVERGENT PATHS 88
3.1 Introduction 88
3.2 Critical Junctures, Institutional Fluidity, and Political Transformation 90
3.3 Taiwan After 1949: Geopolitical Insecurity and Developmental Transformation 96
3.3.1 KMT Retreat, Existential Insecurity and Settler-Colonial Restructuring 96
3.3.2 Cold War Geopolitics and the Political Economy of Survival 100
3.3.3 Land Reform and the Transformation of Agrarian Political Economy 101
3.3.4 American Aid, Technocratic Planning, and Export-Oriented Industrialisation 108
3.4 Nigeria After Independence: Oil, Civil War, and Rentier State Formation 112
3.5 Military Rule, Oil Rents, and the Consolidation of Patronage Politics 116
3.6 Institutional Conversion Capacity and Postcolonial Transformation 118
3.6.1 Bureaucratic Conversion 120
3.6.2 Fiscal Conversion 123
3.6.3 Elite Coordination 125
3.6.4 Developmental Penetration 127
3.7 Developmental Legitimacy versus Distributive Legitimacy: Accountability, State Formation, and Political Order 130
CHAPTER FOUR 135
STATE FORMATION AND ELITE INCENTIVES 135
4.1 Introduction 135
4.2 State Formation Beyond Institutional Determinism 136
4.3 Taiwan: Authoritarian Coordination and Developmental State Formation 138
4.4 Nigeria: Rentier State Formation and Fragmented Elite Competition 143
4.5 Elite Incentives and the Political Logic of Development 145
CHAPTER FIVE 147
MARKETS, INDUSTRIALISATION, AND PRODUCTIVE CAPACITY 147
5.1 Introduction 147
5.2 Markets, States, and Developmental Political Economy 148
5.2.1 Oil, Market Distortion, and the Crisis of Productive Transformation 151
5.3 Elite Coordination: Land Reform, agriculture, and the foundations of industrial transformation 159
5.4 Bureaucratic Conversion: Industrial policy, export coordination, and productive transformation 167
5.5 Fiscal Conversion: Taxation, finance, and fiscal structures 171
5.6 Developmental Penetration in Practice: Labour, social discipline, and state capacity 176
CHAPTER SIX 183
INSTITUTIONAL INCLUSION AND EXCLUSION 183
6.1 Introduction 183
6.2 Colonial Citizenship, Territorial Rule, and Differentiated Incorporation 187
6.2 Colonial Legacies, Territorial Incorporation, and Differentiated Citizenship 191
6.3 Authoritarianism, Political Control, and Developmental Legitimacy 196
6.4 Ethnicity, Regionalism, and the Politics of Uneven Incorporation 202
6.5 Democratisation, Liberalisation, and the Reconfiguration of Inclusion 207
6.7 Environmental Governance, Urbanisation, and the Social Consequences of Developmental Transformation 213
6.8 Conclusion 219
CHAPTER SEVEN 221
RESOURCES, ACCOUNTABILITY, AND DEVELOPMENTAL OUTCOMES 221
7.1 Introduction 221
7.2 Reconceptualising Resources Beyond Material Determinism 224
7.3 Resource Mediation Theory: Resources, Accountability, and Institutional Incentives 227
7.4 Institutional Conversion Capacity (ICC): A Comparative Theoretical Framework 231
7.4.1 The Notion of Repurposing 234
7.4.2 ICC’s Four Dimension and Convertibility 237
7.4.6 ICC as a Generalisable Comparative Framework – Core Claim 239
7.4.7 Scope Conditions and Limits of ICC 243
7.5 Developmental Legitimacy versus Distributive Legitimacy: Accountability, State Survival, and Divergent Political Economies 246
7.6 Productive Incorporation versus Distributive Incorporation: Fiscal Structures, Industrial Policy, and the Political Organisation of Development 253
7.7 Beyond Resource Curse Determinism: Productive Constraint, Institutional Transformation, and the Limits of Rentier Political Order 260
7.8 Comparative Synthesis: Why Some Extractive Institutions Transform While Others Persist 267
CHAPTER EIGHT 274
CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION 274
8.1 Introduction 274
8.2 Revisiting the Core Research Questions 276
8.2.1 Colonial Foundations and Institutional Formation 276
8.2.2 Critical Junctures and Geopolitical Restructuring 277
8.2.3 Resource Structures and Elite Incentives 279
8.2.4 Institutional Outcomes and State Capacity 280
8.2.5 Beyond Institutional Determinism 283
8.3 Theoretical Contributions 284
8.3.1 Institutional Conversion Capacity (ICC) 284
8.3.2 Reconceptualising “Resource” 289
8.3.3 Bridging Institutionalism and Political Economy 290
8.3.4 Reframing State Capacity 291
8.4 Methodological Contributions 292
8.5 Comparative Insights from the Taiwan–Nigeria Analysis 295
8.5.1 Scarcity Can Produce Developmental Discipline 295
8.5.2 Abundance Can Weaken Productive Accountability 297
8.5.3 Geopolitical Pressure and the Political Construction of Development 298
8.5.4 Democracy and Development are Not Synonymous 300
8.5.5 Development Is Politically Constructed 302
8.5.6 Colonial Institutions and Differential Convertibility 304
8.5.7 Nature of Integration into Global Capitalist Economy 305
8.5.8 Existential Crisis and Critical Juncture 306
8.5.9 Political Vigilance and Constructive Adaptation 307
8.5.10 Legitimacy is Not Static, and Democracy Do Not Guarantees It 307
8.6 Policy Implications 309
8.6.1 Beyond Orthodoxy 309
8.6.2 Rebuilding Productive State Capacity 311
8.6.3 Resource Governance and Fiscal Transformation 312
8.6.4 Institutional Conversion Rather Than Institutional Importation 313
8.6.5 Development, Geopolitics, and Strategic Autonomy 314
8.7.1 Historical Moment, Strategic Resources, and Policy Implication for Taiwan 315
8.7.2 Historical Moment, Strategic Resources, and Policy Implication for Nigeria 319
8.8 Limitations of the Study 323
8.9 Directions for Future Research 326
8.10 Final Reflection 328
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