第一章 維持和平、強制和平、調停、以及強制外交：概念與定義

這一章分成兩個主要的部分。第一節討論維護和平（peacekeeping）、強制和平執行（peace-enforcement）以及調和（peacemaking）的概念和定義；此外，這些概念和定義，和西非國家經濟共同體（ECOWAS）在賴比瑞亞發起的維持和平行動（peace keeping operation）之間的關連性。第二節首先解釋強制外交（coercive diplomacy）的模式，並且探討ECOWAS在賴比瑞亞進行維持和平行動時，雖然並非有意或故意地應用此模式，但是，根據作者的分析，ECOWAS在賴比瑞亞的行動，卻可明確地解釋為強制外交策略的運用。

　第二章　ECOWAS與賴比瑞亞危機

第二章著眼於賴比瑞亞內戰時，ECOWAS的危機處理。ECOWAS成立於1975年5月，是一個促進西非經濟發展的組織。十五年來，該組織均未悖離其成立宗旨。不過到了1990年，當這個次區域性組織決定介入賴比瑞亞內戰後，它的傳統有了改變。這一章區分成四個主要部分：第一節一窺ECOWAS的目標與發展。第二節重溯賴比瑞亞危機的源頭。第三節，從政治的角度切入，討論ECOWAS介入賴比瑞亞內戰的必要性及合法性。最後一節討論的是在這個次地域當中，存在於英語系國家（the Anglophones）和法語系國家（the Francophones）之間，對政治主導性永無休止的爭鬥，以及他們對維護賴比瑞亞和平的傷害。

第三章　賴比瑞亞境內的維持和平（peacekeeping），1990-1997：強制外交模式的解釋

本章嘗試重塑出ECOWAS在致力於維護賴比瑞亞和平的七年期間的危機處理，即是以「強制外交」的模式，進行其維持和平的努力。關於強制外交的普遍性認知，是恫嚇敵方一旦不服從就會受到處罰，而藉以達到支持某方對敵方行使命令權的目的，其威脅的程度大到足以說服敵方順從此命令。因此，強制外交的理論，是假設行使強制權一方和反動者兩者的完全理性。此研究中，作者採用強制外交一詞，來表示此策略的『防禦性』（defensive）意義，即盡力說服反動者停止並且╱或是取消已著手進行的行動。在賴比瑞亞和平維持行動的案例中，奈吉利亞，此一西非的『霸權』（hegemony）；是公認的『強制性威權』（coercive power）。而身為賴比瑞亞國家愛國陣線（NPFL）的領導人，查爾斯•泰勒則是被視作強制性行動的『反動者』（opponent）。這一章分為四個主要的部分：第一節著眼於奈吉利亞的強制性威權；第二節討論賴比瑞亞國家統一臨時政府（IGNU）的組成；第三節在討論賴比瑞亞國會議員以及賴比瑞亞國家過渡政府（LNTG）的組成；最後一節檢視自阿布查一世協定（Abuja I Accord）和阿布查二世協定（Abuja II Accord）之後，在賴比瑞亞的危機處理方面，賴國國會議員以及ECOWAS間的互動。

第四章 賴比瑞亞衝突的最終解決之道

成功的調停是是一種含容、誘導和修正的混合。調停者必須能夠阻止衝突的迫近或升高，並將衝突的雙方自敵對的觀念和行動中分開，並且有能力把他們引入一個較和諧的關係當中。調停者事實上也是個參與、運用強制性霸權的角色，能夠迫使頑強的一方妥協，並同意原先不願接受的解決方案。最好的情況下，調停者必須有足以威嚇衝突雙方的力量與權威，而使他們瞭解倘若解決之道沒有被採用的話，他們將面對無止盡的衝突；且即使解決之道獲得採用，也必須確實執行。這一章在探討賴比瑞亞內戰的最終解決之道。在這場維持和平的戲碼中，ECOWAS和聯合國駐賴比瑞亞觀察團（UNOMIL）是不可或缺的要角。這一章分成三個主要的部分。第一節討論在阿布查二世協定後，停戰以及終止動員的過程。作者對於停戰的定義是，在限期之內，鼓勵各個傾軋的派系交出武器的政治過程。而終止動員則是一種透過提供經濟誘因，使得原武裝士兵重新融入平民的過程。第二節探討在部分停戰以及停止徵用各式國民軍後，政治黨派的形成及隨之而來的歷史性選舉。最後一節則審視查爾斯•泰勒的崛起，而成為賴比瑞亞內戰後的民選總統。

第五章 ECOWAS與聯合國的合作

第五章探討由聯合國和ECOWAS所發起的合作行動，目的在為受戰爭蹂躪的賴比瑞亞謀求和平。這是聯合國破天荒第一遭可以和另一個組織—在此個案中，是一個次區域性組織—共同採取維持和平的行動。賴比瑞亞的個案提供了一個有用的實證性基礎，去評估聯合國和區域性機構之間，彼此分工合作的觀念，亦即與非官方組織（NGO）的合作能夠符合「聯合國憲章」第三十三條的精神。這一章分為三節，試圖評估在賴比瑞亞的衝突時，ECOWAS和聯合國合作所採取的回應行動的成效如何。第一節探討合作的原因。第二節則是合作的本質。最後一節提出造成合作失敗的原因。

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