北韓的核武發展和各種威脅一直是朝鮮半島安全的變數，在此威脅之下，對北韓的政策、韓美同盟關係與對中國的態度，會依據韓國各屆政府之威脅認知和戰略優先考量而呈現不同的政策和互動結果。本論文將探討及比較韓國歷屆政府之對北政策、韓美和韓中關係，並深度討論尹錫悅政府的韓國版印太戰略（IPS：Indo-Pacific Strategy，原為美國發布）的背景、淵源以及得與失，然而若從前幾屆政府的政策來綜合比較將會得到全面且客觀的分析，因此才將前屆政府的內容放進本文當中。本文透過華茲的層次分析和瓦特的威脅平衡分析韓國的印太戰略和其相關政策，其中，由於因威脅認知而造成特定同盟政策，即韓美同盟，正因如此，本文會以同盟理論為輔適用在韓美同盟來分析同盟狀態和變化。
朴槿惠和文在寅政府致力於在美中強權兩方之間避險，像是一開始對中釋出溝通和合作意願，但兩政府的後期皆因內部與外部因素而導致政策轉變，同時兩政府的外交政策也是皆奠基於美韓同盟的基礎上進行，至於最後兩政府的評價和結果，由於他們的個人、國內、國際環境不同關係，呈現了一些不同的政策，包括不同的避險政策，但依照他們的目標和理念，大戰略和原則是類似的。
尹錫悅政府反而以嚇阻為基礎強化韓美同盟，與前屆的避險或戰略模糊路線不同，該戰略走得是韓美日三角合作體制，並以鮮明的戰略色彩建構尹政府的安全體系，像是擴大軍演、資訊共享體制和多邊體系加入等，具體的政策代表案例就是韓版的印太戰略，也是本文的重點。
本文重點除了比較尹錫悅總統和前屆總統們的外交政策之外，更是透過理論分析尹錫悅政府為何採取某種立場和政策，以及其的得與失，亦會初步探討後期的戒嚴和彈劾事件，給予日後的朝鮮半島研究者啟示。

North Korea’s persistent nuclear development and military provocations continue to serve as a major source of instability on the Korean Peninsula. Under such structural constraints, South Korea’s policies toward North Korea, its management of the ROK–US alliance, and its strategic posture toward China have varied across administrations depending on threat perception and strategic priorities. This article examines and compares the foreign policies of South Korean administrations, focusing on their respective approaches to North Korea, the ROK–US alliance, and relations with China. Building on Waltz’s levels of analysis framework and Stephen Walt’s Balance of Threat theory, the study analyzes how shifting threat perceptions shape Seoul’s alliance behavior—particularly regarding the evolution of the ROK–US alliance—while employing alliance theory to capture changes in alignment patterns and policy direction.

The Park Geun-hye and Moon Jae-in administrations, despite representing conservative and progressive camps respectively, both initially adopted hedging strategies between the United States and China. Although each administration opened channels of cooperation toward Beijing, both ultimately shifted their policies due to domestic and external pressures—ranging from North Korean provocations to diplomatic crises such as the THAAD dispute and domestic political upheavals. Despite ideological differences, their foreign policies remained grounded in the ROK–US alliance structure, and their grand strategic orientations shared similar objectives.

In contrast, the Yoon Suk-yeol administration has departed from strategic ambiguity and hedging, instead reinforcing deterrence-centered alignment with the United States. Yoon’s strategy emphasizes the strengthening of the ROK–US alliance, the institutionalization of trilateral cooperation among Seoul, Washington, and Tokyo, and the expansion of multilateral security engagement through exercises, information-sharing mechanisms, and strategic initiatives. The signature example of this shift is the Korean version of the Indo-Pacific Strategy (IPS), which serves as a core focus of this study.

Beyond inter-administration comparison, this article further employs theoretical analysis to explain why the Yoon government adopted a more explicit strategic alignment and evaluates its policy outcomes, advantages, and limitations. The study also briefly reflects on the implications of Korea’s recent domestic political turmoil, such as emergency security measures and impeachment dynamics, for future research on the Korean Peninsula.

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Hwang, Jaeho “South Korea’s Indo-Pacific Strategy: More than Strategic Clarity and toward Becoming a Global Player,” Asia Policy, Vol. 18, No. 3 (JULY 2023), pp. 26-34.
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Lee, Shin-wha and Park, Chun Young, Korea’s Middle Power Diplomacy for Human Security: A Global and Regional Approach, Journal of International and Area Studies, Volume 24, Number 1, 2017, pp.21-44.
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Yang, Florence (Wen-Ting), “Asymmetrical Interdependence and Sanction: China’s Economic Retaliation over South Korea’s THAAD Deployment,” Issues & Studies, Vol. 55, No. 4 (December 2019), pp. 1-39.
（四）網路資源
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（五）智庫單位
Chilamkuri, Raja Mohan, “Donald Trump’s ‘Indo-Pacific’ and America’s India Conundrum,” Institute of South Asian Studies, 13. Nov. 2017, pp. 1-8.
Choi, Seong Hyeon, “Why is South Korea Hesitant to Boycott the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics?” CSIS. January 13, 2022. <https://www.csis.org/blogs/new-perspectives-asia/why-south-korea-hesitant boycott-2022-beijing-winter-olympics> (2025/11/05)
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Funaiole, Matthew P. and Hart, Brian, “China’s Military in 10 Charts,” CSIS, September 2, 2025. (October 1, 2025)
Li, Jason, “South Korea’s Formal Membership in the Quad Plus: A Bridge Too Far?” The Henry L. Stimson Center, Oct. 4, 2021 <https://www.stimson.org/2021/south-koreas-formal-membership-in-the-quad-plus-a-bridge-too-far/> (2025/11/07)

三、 韓文部分：
（一）政府資料
국가안보실(Office of National Security), “윤석열 정부의 국가안보 전략,” 대한민국 대통령실(Office of the President, Republic of Korea), 2023.
국방부, “한미일 국방장관회의 일본에서 최초 개최,” 2024.07.29. <https://www.korea.kr/briefing/pressReleaseView.do?newsId=156643230> (2025/12/15)
대한민국정부, “대한민국 인도-태평양 전략과 2023년 이행보고서,” 2023. 12.
대한민국정부, “대한민국 인도-태평양 전략과 2024년 이행보고서,” 2024. 12.
대한민국정부,“자유, 평화, 번영의 인도-태평양 전략,” 2022. 12. <https://www.mofa.go.kr/www/brd/m_4080/view.do?seq=373216> (2025/12/05)
대한민국 정책브리핑, “러·북 군사협력 나토, 강력 경고…보편적 가치 공유하는 국가와 연대 강화,” 대한민국 정책브리핑, 2024.07.15. <https://www.korea.kr/news/policyNewsView.do?newsId=148931420> (2025/12/15)
대한민국 정책브리핑, “문재인 대통령, 5·18 민주화운동 37주년 기념사,” 대한민국 정책브리핑, 2017. 05.18 <https://www.korea.kr/news/policyNewsView.do?newsId=148833878> (2025/11/06)
대한민국 정책브리핑, “윤 대통령 ‘자유 평화·번영 3대 비전으로 인도-태평양 전략 이행’,” 대한민국 정책브리핑, 2022.11.11. <https://www.korea.kr/news/policyNewsView.do?newsId=148908196> (2025/12/08)
대한민국 정책브리핑, “윤 대통령 “IPEF, 역내 공동번영 위한 것…한국도 책임 다하겠다,” 대한민국 정책브리핑, 2022.05.23 <https://www.korea.kr/news/policyNewsView.do？newsId=148901888>（2023/12/27）
대한민국 정책브리핑, “인태전략 원년…가치 공유 국가와 연대로 외교 동력 강화,” 대한민국 정책브리핑, 2023.01.11.<https://www.korea.kr/news/policyNewsView.do？newsId=148901888>（2023/12/27）
대한민국 정책브리핑, “한-캐나다, 군사·국방 비밀정보보호 협정 타결…국방 협력 심화,” 정책브리핑, 2025.10.30. <https://www.korea.kr/news/policyNewsView.do?newsId=148953492> (2026/01/08)
외교부, “2024년 한·미·아세안 청년캠프(YCAFE) 개최,” 2024.11.04. <https://bn.mofa.go.kr/www/brd/m_4076/view.do?seq=371064&srchFr=&amp;srchTo=&amp;srchWord=&amp;srchTp=&amp;multi_itm_seq=0&amp;itm_seq_1=0&amp;itm_seq_2=0&amp;company_cd=&amp;company_nm=> (2025/12/26)
외교부, “인도-태평양 전략 설명회 계기 기조연설 (12.28.),” 2022.12.29. <https://www.mofa.go.kr/minister/brd/m_20033/view.do?seq=302647> (2025/12/08)
외교부, “인도-태평양 전략 설명회’ 개최”, 2022.12.28, <https://www.mofa.go.kr/www/brd/m_4080/view.do?seq=373215> (2025 10/23)
외교부, “제1차 한미인 1.5 트랙 대화 개최, 글로벌 지정학의 변화 속 3국간 협력 확대 방향 논의,”, 2024.11.27. <https://gb.mofa.go.kr/www/brd/m_4080/view.do?seq=375681&srchFr=&amp;srchTo=&amp;srchWord=&amp;srchTp=&amp;multi_itm_seq=0&amp;itm_seq_1=0&amp;itm_seq_2=0&amp;company_cd=&amp;company_nm=&amp;pitem=10> (2025/12/26)
외교부, “캠프 데이비드 원칙 및 한미일 간 협의에 대한 공약,” 2023.8.18. <https://www.mofa.go.kr/www/brd/m_26372/view.do?seq=6> (2025/12/12)
외교부, “캠프 데이비드 정신: 한미일 정상회의 공동성명(2023.8.18.),” 2023.8.18. <https://www.mofa.go.kr/www/brd/m_25488/view.do?seq=367956&page=1> (2025/12/12)
주미국대사관(Embassy of the Republic of Korea in the USA), “한덕수 대통령 권한대행 국무총리, Financial Times 인터뷰 관련 보도참고자료,” 주미국 대한민국 대사관, 2025.04.20. <https://www.mofa.go.kr/us-ko/brd/m_4487/view.do?seq=1347783> (2026/01/08)
（二）書籍
김우상, 2016, 중견국책략：미·중 사이 한국의 스마트 외교. 서울：세창출판사.
김우상, 2019, 신한국책략 4.0. 서울：세창출판사.
김우상, 2022, 신한국책략 4.0. 서울：세창출판사.
박경서・서보혁 외, 2012. 헬싱키 프로세스와 동북아 안보협력. 서울：한국학술정보,
박영규, 2014, 대한민국 대통령실록. 경기도：웅진지식하우스.
백우열, 이기태, 이재현, 정구연, 2019. 쿼드 국가의 인도-태평양 전략과 한국의 대응. 서울：아산정책연구원.
이용인, Taylor washburn, 미국의 아시아 회귀 전략 – 미국의 전문가 15 인에게 묻는다. 경기도：창비, 2014년.
이재현譯 (Kurt Campbell 原著，中文名為庫爾特．坎貝爾), 2020, 피벗-미국 아시아 전력의 미래 (The Pivot). 서울:아산정책연구원.
최병구, 2016, 외교의 세계. 서울：평민사.
홍현익 외, 2017, 박근혜정부의 대외정책: 평가와 과제. 서울：세종연구소.
（三）期刊論文
강구상, 김다울, 김종혁, 권혁주, 박은빈, “한미 정상회담 주요 논의 내용과 시사점”, 오늘의 세계 경제, 22권 10호 (2022), 頁1-19。
곽희양, “오물 풍선 사태와 남북 관계,” 관훈저널, 2024년 가을호(통권 제172호), 2024. 09, 頁18-24。
김국현, “북핵 대응 패러다임 전환을 위한 전략적 대응 방안 검토,” 한국군사학논총, Vol. 11, No. 4, 통권 24호, 2022, 頁3-22。
김성한, 김민성. “Indo-Pacific Strategy vs. Belt and Road Initiative：Strategic Implications for South Korea”. 전략연구, 통권 제84호 (2021), 頁8-44。
김소연, “지정학적 중간국 대외전략의 전환과 초당적 합의: 한국과 호주의 대중국 전략 비교,” 한국동북아논총, 제30권 제2호 (통권 제115호), 2025.06, 頁25-49。
김수원, 강우철, “인도태평양 전략에서 아프리카 개발협력의 의미:한일협력의 가능성을 중심으로,” 국제지역연구, 제28권 제4호 (2024년 10월), 頁143-166。
김열수, “윤석열 정부의 한미동맹 정책 평가: 3대 분야를 중심으로,” 신아시아연구소, Vol. 30, No. 2, 통권 115호 (2023), 頁29-57。
김예경, 김도희, 박명희, 심성은. “한국의 인도-태평양 전략: 특징 및 향후 과제,” 이슈와 논점(Issues and Perspectives), 2061호 (2023년2월24일)，頁1-4。
김예경, “중·미간의 세력경쟁과 아세안의 균형전략（balanced strategy）：약소국의 중추적 역할（pivotal role） 찾기,” 한국정치학회보, 제42집 제1호 (2008)，頁319-335。
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허고운, “‘韓인태전략에 북방 정책 없어…규범 수용자 아닌 결정자 돼야’,” 뉴스1, 2024.12.01. <https://www.news1.kr/diplomacy/defense-diplomacy/5616842> (2025/12/12)
（五）智庫單位
강근형, “문재인·트럼프 행정부의 대북정책과 한미 관계,” 신아시아연구소, Vol. 25, No. 4, 통권 97호 (2018), 頁129-161。
김한권, “인도-태평양 전략의 대한 중국의 대응과 함의,” 외교안보연구소 (Institute of Foreign Affairs & National Security, Korea National Diplomatic Academy), 2024-23 (September 2024), 頁1-22。
북한경제연구협의회, “윤석열 정부의 대북정책：초기 성과와 향후 전망,” KDI 북한경제리뷰, 5월호, 2023. 12, 頁11-23。
송태은, “최근 사이버 위협 실태와 한국의 인태 사이버 안보 외교전략,” 외교안보연구소(Institute of Foreign Affairs & National Security, Korea National Diplomatic Academy), 2024.10.18., 頁1-24。
윤정현, “미국의 ‘Fab 4(칩4)’ 제안 의미와 한국의 전략적 고려사항,” INSS전략보고, November 2022. No.186, 2022, 頁1-24。
이재현, “한-아세안 포괄적 전략 동반자 관계 수립: 배경, 의의와 향후 과제,” 아산정책연구원 (The Asan Institute for Policy Studies), 2024.11.06. <https://www.asaninst.org/bbs/board.php?bo_table=s1_1&wr_id=476> (2026/01/01)
이재현, “文정부 대표 외교유산 ‘신남방정책’,” 아산정책연구원(The Asan Institute for Policy Studies), 2021. 10.26. <https://asaninst.org/bbs/board.php?bo_table=s1_3&wr_id=342&sfl=wr_subject%7C%7Cwr_content&stx=%EC%9D%B8%EB%8F%84+%ED%83%9C%ED%8F%89%EC%96%91&sop=and&page=8> (2025/11/07)
최수온, “한국과 캐나다의 전략적 연계성 분석: 인태전략을 중심으로,” 한국국방연구원(KIDA), 2025.12.02.<https://nsp.nanet.go.kr/plan/subject/detail.do?nationalPlanControlNo=PLAN0000058234&newReportChk=list&highNationalPlanSubjectSn=> (2026/01/08)
최원기, “신남방정책 4년 평가: 외교적 성과와 향후 과제,” 외교안보연구소 (Institute of Foreign Affairs & National Security, Korea National Diplomatic Academy), 2021-34 (November 2021), 頁1-25。
최원기, “인도-태평양 전략과 한국의 지역적 역할 확대 추진 방향,” 정책연구시리즈, 2022-20, 2023. 04, 頁1-35。
최진욱, “바이든 정부의 대전략과 한국 외교안보에 대한 시사점”, 아산정책연구원 (The Asan Institute for Policy Studies), 2023-26（2023）, 頁1-15。