今日世界各地依舊戰火連天，局部性的戰爭依舊連緜不絕，戰爭的種源固然來自地方性因素居多，可是戰火的來源與持續卻來自兩個主要淵源。地方性的問題往往不致於「殺人盈城，殺人盈野」，局部性的騷亂也可能在某些時期內就可迅速的解決。可是，由於美、俄雙方勢力的對峙，使得地方性的問題愈加錯綜複雜，或許發生問題的地方，有其戰略上的價值，可是有些問題卻只是在表現美、俄雙方對峙的能力，既無補於問題的解決，也不在追求戰略上與政策上的價值。
美國與蘇俄是今日世界的兩個主要領導中心，雖然目前表面上力倡和解，可是針鋒相對之勢，處處各自欲露鋒芒，想要瞭解當今之世界局勢，必先溯源於二次大戰結束後之世界局勢。杜魯門總統領導著戰後的美國，對蘇俄採取「圍堵政策」，其效力依舊影饗著今日美國的外交政策。
蓋現代之世界文明，歐洲是主要來源之一，兩次世界大戰之戰火點燃於歐洲，美國也拋顱在兩次的戰火之中，歐洲成為世界問題的重心，也成為美國外交政策印重心，因之，欲瞭解當今之勢，必先探究杜魯門時代的美國外交政策，也必先洞悉「杜魯門時代美國對歐的外交政策」。
本文第一章「緒論」，分析杜魯門總統任前的世界局勢。由於戰爭，各國慘痛領受戰火的痛苦，英、美領袖首先發表了大西洋憲章，尋求戰後和平的解決方案，可是以後國際間重要會議雖然屢舉起大西洋憲章的招牌，卻不能符合憲章中的精神與願望。由於戰後的歐洲問題錯綜複雜，因之，特就代表性的波蘭問題與德國問題分別於第二節與第三節討論之。又以雙方對峙必也有其實力背景，於第四節則就軍事、經濟與政治的觀點比較兩國的實力。
第二章「冷戰開始」。戰爭結束之時，美國誠有與蘇俄協手合作之意，羅斯福總統以及美國人民對於戰後與蘇俄的友誼都存有幻想，就是杜魯門初期任內也承受羅斯福總統的觀念，可是蘇俄蓄意擴張，導致歐洲種種問題的死結，於是乎肯南署名X先生，在外交實務(Foreign Affairs)發表一篇「蘇俄的行動來源」(The Sources of Soviet Conduct)，頓時激發了圍堵政策的觀念，杜魯門總統在一九四七年三月十二日在國會的演說，也就是世人週知的「杜魯門主義」，冷戰從此開始。
第三章「援歐計劃中馬歇爾計劃」。戰後歐洲各主要國家疲憊不堪，經濟窮困，庶幾難以維生，鑑於共產勢力蘊育於民生聊苦之境地，美國勢必以經濟援助歐洲，使其經濟早日復甦，誠如阿契遜(Acheson)所說：景氣不恢復，政治就不得安寧，和平就不得保障
。馬歇爾計劃不獨使歐洲景氣復甦，又培養歐洲各國統一的傾向，使其互相結合，榮辱與共。
第四章「北大西洋公約及其組織」。是美國對歐外交政策的一環，經濟的力量不足以抵制共黨勢力的擴張，必也撐之以軍事力量為後盾，由於蘇俄在歐洲的鯨吞蠶食，赤化了捷克斯拉夫，觸發柏林危機，明目張膽，至為囂張，美國有鑑於此，再加之歐洲各國本身有團結一致的意向―北大西洋公約組織應運而生，歐洲防衛體系與西歐聯盟因之而起，歐洲於是乎有一區域性組織以防衛自身的安全，免於蘇俄共產蔓延的禍患。
第五章「結論」。杜魯門總統時代是冷戰的開端，是圍堵政策的起用時期，其延續至今，世界局勢之對峙與當年大體雷同。在其當時，冷戰的政策並未奏其效，東歐關進鐵幕，中國大陸淪陷，北大西洋公約組織分裂議論紛紜，在在顯出冷戰政策之不當，於是乎有國家安全會議第六十八號的報告，重估美國的外交政策，「這是承平時期美國在軍事上所做的另一番努力」。
杜魯門總統人亡政未息，其圍堵政策―團堵歐亞大陸邊綠的政策，仍為以後各屆總統所遵循，目前美國力倡「低盪」，可是「低盪」並未忘掉「圍堵」之原則，惟獨如此美國方可捍衛自身與自由世界的和平與安全。
本篇論文之完成，承蒙張彝鼎老師、張宏遠老師孜孜教導、鼓勵與關懷，由衷感謝。
又蒙政治研究所博士班陳鴻瑜同學的協助，使本篇論文能順利完成，謹申謝忱。
王明在 誌於木柵政大 一九七六、一、十
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