冷戰後的中、俄關係，可說是江澤民與葉爾欽交手的階段，直到2000年初普亭繼葉爾欽接任俄羅斯總統後，中、俄關係在兩國領導人頻繁互訪之間，益形密切。究其成因，首先是兩國均具備共產主義的歷史背景，雖然俄羅斯建立政權後，已實行民主政治，但兩國仍有著概同的思想基礎，使得雙方的交往，較易突破。因此，兩國建立了極相近的世界觀，反霸的立場趨於一致，認為世界將朝「多極化」發展，而致力推動「大國外交」政策，期有效制約美、日聯盟與北約的擴張。其次，在地緣戰略方面，兩國共同邊境的和平以及軍事、經貿合作方面，亦存在著他國難以取代的互補利益，基於國家利益的現實考量與需要，中、俄兩國得以從睦鄰友好關係、建設性夥伴關係、戰略協作夥伴關係而至目前的睦鄰友好戰略協作夥伴關係，雙邊關係發展超乎尋常的順利，且日形密切。

然而中、俄戰略夥伴關係過程，亦有其無可逃避的變數，如歷史恩怨的糾結、邊界爭議的處理與移民問題的複雜'往、軍售中共對俄羅斯造成的國防安全威脅與申、俄在中亞地區的權力競逐;以及美、日、朝鮮半島及北約東擴等國際因素，均相當程度地影響到中、俄戰略夥伴關係的發展。

至於台灣與俄羅斯的交流於冷戰後逐漸展開，但由於受到中共的壓力，官方交流方面仍難以突破現實的困境;而在經貿、科技領域方面，中共既然無法完全滿足俄羅斯的需求，自然沒有立場干涉或限制俄羅斯向外尋求其他拓展的機會;因此，台、俄關係始終侷限在非官方的經貿關係發展。對於台灣的安全問題，俄羅斯基於長遠利益的考量，雖會賦予相當程度的關切，但俄已認定台灣問題純粹屬「中國」的內政問題。此為中共與俄羅斯發展戰略夥伴關係中，所獲得的重大成就。

「911」恐怖攻擊事件發生後，美國為了尋求各國對「反恐怖戰爭」的奧援，美、中、俄問的戰略關係有了微妙的轉變;繼之2001年元月，兩岸正式加入世界貿易組織(WTO)，對兩岸經貿結構將產生極大的變革。因應此種情勢發展，我經濟部已於2001年11月上旬宣布鬆綁「戒急用忍」政策，代之以「積極開放、有效管理」;但由於兩岸政治因素的僵局尚未打開，勢將影響未來兩岸關係之發展。俄羅斯總統普亭正力圖復甦國內經濟，其與中共的戰略夥伴關係勢將更為密切;而美國基於國家利益的需求，是否將調整其亞太政策與對我軍售內容，殊值我國進一步觀察並妥為因應。

After the end of Cold War to 2000 years, the relations between Sino-Russian was the time in which Jiang-Ze-Ming and Boris N. Yeitsin shook hands to each other.Until Vladimir V.Putin succeeded Yeitsin as Russian president, the relations of Sino-Russian that the leaders of both nations exchanged..visits frequently became closely. Exploring reasons, first of all, both nations had the same communistic historical background. Although the government rems which Russian established had practiced democratic politics, both nations still had alike thinking basis that made both sides relationship proceeded easily. Thus, both nations established almost alike worldview that hastened the same standpoint of anti-power and think of the world would develop as multi-polar. They drove power diplomatic policy hardly in order to restrict the stretch of an alliance between America, Japan, Korea and NATO. Second,in geographical strategy, the peace of both nations border and the cooperation of military and economical relationship also existed the complement benefit that other nation carmot replace, the relations of Sino-Russian develop exceptional smoothly based on the real thinking and need of national benefit.

However, in process of the strategic relationship, it has the non-evading variable,such as the intertwining of historical resentment, the handle of a border clash, the complexity of emigrant questions, China of armed forces threaten to the national defense of Russian, the competing of power in Center Asia , and the international factor of NATO expanding east , all effect the developing of the strategic relationship fairly.

Communication between Taiwan and Russian developed gradually after a cold war. Due to China's pressure, an official communication still difficult to break a realistic predicament. In terms of economy and technology, China can't satisfy Russia's need completely, which doesn't have a standpoint naturally to interfere or limit Russian's other developmental opportunity. Taiwan and Russian is still on unofficial-economic relationship. To Taiwan security issue, although Russian gives it high concern, it bases on the long-term profit that it thinks Taiwan issue is simply a China's domestic affair.lt is a great achievement that when Sino-Russian develop a military strategy relationship.After "911" terror attack affair, America in order to search for supporting from states to anti- terrorism war. There has subtle change in war strategy between America,China and Russian.Then, in the first month of 2001 year, cross-strait formally join into WTO, it will bring extremely reformation to the structure of economy and commerce of cross-strait.To cope with this development of situation, our economic departments has declared for loosing the strategy of giving up urgency and keeping patience in the first ten-day period of November in 2001 year, and replace it. The president of Russian,Putin, is trying to recover the economy in his country, and the strategic of partner relationship with China will be closer and in base of the need of it's country's benefit, whether America will adjust it's strategy and policy in Asian and Russian.