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研究生: 張鏡
Chang, Ching
論文名稱: 瑞典及芬蘭中立政策之轉向-以威脅平衡視角分析
Neutrality Policy Shifts of Sweden and Finland – Through the Lens of the Balance of Threat Theory
指導教授: 蔡沛倫
口試委員: 連弘宜
張凱銘
學位類別: 碩士
Master
系所名稱: 國際事務學院 - 外交學系
Department of Diplomacy
論文出版年: 2026
畢業學年度: 114
語文別: 中文
論文頁數: 147
中文關鍵詞: 威脅平衡理論中立政策軍事不結盟瑞典芬蘭俄羅斯北大西洋公約組織
外文關鍵詞: Balance of Threat Theory, Neutrality Policy, Military Non-Alignment, Sweden, Finland, Russia, North Atlantic Treaty Organization
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  • 瑞典和芬蘭施行中立政策已有長遠的歷史,瑞典甚至從1814年拿破崙戰爭後開始施行至今已超過200年。然而在2022年俄烏戰爭爆發後,兩國皆迅速作出了申請北大西洋公約組織(NATO)的歷史性決策。本研究旨在探討此一重大外交決策轉向的發展歷程,以及驅動其終結長期中立政策的因素為何。
    在理論上,本研究採取瓦特(Stephen M. Walt)的「威脅平衡理論」(Balance of Threat Theory)作為核心分析架構,以彌補傳統結構現實主義單純強調「權力平衡」的解釋侷限。本研究將俄羅斯的威脅具體操作化為四項指標:整體實力、攻擊能力、地理鄰近性與侵略意圖,藉此評估瑞典與芬蘭威脅感知的累積過程。
    研究發現,兩國放棄中立政策並非是單一危機所驅動,而是以2008年喬治亞危機做為開端,不斷累積最終跨越閾值的結果。在物質權力方面,俄羅斯的全球權力指數雖不及蘇聯時期,但其將資源高度集中於不對稱的攻擊能力(如波羅的海的A2/AD系統),結合地理鄰近性大幅壓縮瑞芬兩國的預警時間。隨著2014年克里米亞危機與2022年俄烏戰爭的相繼爆發,徹底擊碎兩國以合作維持和平的幻想。此外,儘管面臨相似的外部結構壓力,兩國的轉向節奏卻因歷史慣性而有顯著差異。
    總結而言,兩國的歷史性轉向印證了威脅平衡理論的核心主張:驅動國家結盟制衡的關鍵並非單純的客觀「權力」,而是當敵國的「攻擊能力」、「地理鄰近性」與「侵略意圖」疊加,並跨越了國家生存的安全閾值時,國家終將打破長期維持的中立慣性,轉向尋求集體防禦體系。


    Sweden and Finland have a long history of practicing neutrality. Sweden, in particular, has maintained its neutrality for over 200 years since the end of the Napoleonic Wars in 1814. However, following the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine War in 2022, both nations made the historic decision to apply for NATO membership. This study explores the evolution of this major foreign policy shift and examines the key factors that drove these countries to end their long-standing neutrality.
    For the theoretical framework, this study adopts Stephen M. Walt’s “Balance of Threat Theory” to address the limitations of structural realism, which focuses solely on the balance of power. To assess how Sweden and Finland’s perception of threat accumulated over time, the study breaks down the Russian threat into four specific indicators: aggregate power, offensive power, geographical proximity, and aggressive intentions.
    The findings show that the decision to abandon neutrality was not driven by a single crisis. Instead, the decision was the result of a cumulative process that began with the 2008 Georgia Crisis. In terms of material power, although Russia’s power, measured with tools such as the Global Power Index (GPI), does not match that of the Soviet era, it has concentrated its resources into offensive power, such as the A2/AD systems in the Baltic Sea region. Combined with geographical proximity, these capabilities have severely compressed the warning times for Sweden and Finland. The consecutive outbreaks of the 2014 Crimea Crisis and the 2022 Russia-Ukraine War completely shattered the two countries’ illusions of maintaining peace through cooperation. Furthermore, despite facing similar external structural pressures, the timing and rhythm of their strategic shifts showed noticeable differences due to historical experience.
    In conclusion, the historic turn of both nations confirms the core argument of balance of threat theory: the key driver of alliance formation is not simply objective “power”. Instead, when an adversary’s offensive power, geographical proximity, and aggressive intentions combine to cross the critical threshold for a neutral state’s national security and survival, the state will likely deviate from its long-standing neutrality and turn to a collective defense system.

    摘要 i
    Abstract iii
    第一章 緒論 1
    第一節 研究動機與目的 1
    第二節 文獻回顧 4
    第三節 研究範圍與限制 10
    第四節 研究方法 18
    第二章 現實主義下的威脅平衡理論 21
    第一節 權力平衡到威脅平衡:理論發展與侷限 21
    第二節 威脅平衡理論之核心概念與指標 27
    第三節 威脅平衡理論之指標及修正 30
    第四節 小結 35
    第三章 瑞典與芬蘭之中立政策及轉變 37
    第一節 瑞典中立政策之歷史轉變 38
    第二節 芬蘭中立政策之歷史轉變 48
    第三節 中立政策的質變與終結 57
    第四節 小結 63
    第四章 威脅平衡視角下的政策選擇分析 65
    第一節 俄羅斯整體實力之消長 65
    第二節 攻擊能力:軍事配置與武器類別 69
    第三節 地理鄰近性 74
    第四節 俄羅斯侵略意圖之評估 76
    第五節 小結 114
    第五章 結論 117
    第一節 研究發現與回顧 117
    第二節 理論驗證與區域安全意涵 129
    第三節 研究建議 133
    參考文獻 137

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    二、 英文部分
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    Cottey, Andrew ed., The European Neutrals and NATO: Non-Alignment, Partnership, Membership? (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017).
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    Cotta, Filippo Alberto, “The Evolution of Finnish-Russian Relations from 1917 to the Present,” Il Politico, Vol. 87, No. 2(July 2022), pp. 110-129.
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    (三) 書籍專章
    Barrie, Douglas, “Russian Air-to-air Power: Re-make, Re-model,” in Michael Jonsson and Robert Dalsjö eds., Beyond Bursting Bubbles: Understanding the Full Spectrum of the Russian A2/AD Threat and Identifying Strategies for Counteraction(Stockholm: FOI, 2020).
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    Tangredi, Sam J., “Applying Historical Attributes of Anti-access Strategies to Current Analysis,” in Jonsson, Michael and Robert Dalsjö, eds., Beyond Bursting Bubbles: Understanding the Full Spectrum of the Russian A2/AD Threat and Identifying Strategies for Counteraction (Stockholm: FOI, 2020).
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    (四) 學位論文
    Chen, Lok Fung, “An Analysis of Finland's Decision to Enter into NATO after the Ukraine War,” Master’s thesis, Department of Political Science, National Taiwan University (2025).
    Cole, Paul M., “Neutralite du jour: The Conduct of Swedish Security Policy Since 1945,” Ph.D. dissertation, Name of the department and university (1990).
    Franzén, Johan, “A Qualitative Case Study of Finland's and Sweden's NATO Applications: Analysing the case through Liberalism and Neorealism,” Master’s thesis, Department of Government, Uppsala University (2023).
    (五) 官方文件
    “The Military Doctrine of the Russian Federation,” Embassy of the Russian Federation in the Kingdom of Thailand (December 25, 2014).
    “Security in a new era: Report by the Inquiry on Sweden’s International Defence and Security Cooperation, Summary,” Government Offices of Sweden (September 9, 2016).
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    “The effects of Finland's possible NATO membership: An Assessment,” Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Finland (April 29, 2016).
    “Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation 2016,” Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation (November 30, 2016).
    “The Concept of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation 2023,” Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation (March 31, 2023).
    “Finnish Security and Defence Policy 2009,” Prime Minister’s Office (February 5, 2009).
    “Finnish Security and Defence Policy 2012,” Prime Minister’s Office (March 15, 2013).
    “Government Report on Finnish Foreign and Security Policy 2016,” Prime Minister’s Office (September 2016).
    “Government Report on Finnish Foreign and Security Policy 2022,” Prime Minister’s Office (April 2022).
    “Vårt framtida försvar,” Regeringen (September 23, 2004).
    “Ett användbart försvar,” Regeringen (March 19, 2009).
    “Regeringens proposition 2014/15:109 Försvarspolitisk inriktning-Sveriges försvar 2016–2020,” Regeringen (April 23, 2015).
    “Regeringens proposition 2020/21:30 Totalförsvaret 2021–2025,” Regeringen (October 15, 2020).
    “Government Report on Finnish Foreign and Security Policy,” Valtioneuvosto (October 29, 2020).
    “Government report on changes in the security environment,” Government of Finland (April 13, 2022).
    “Government’s Defence Report 2021,” Government of Finland (September 9, 2021).
    “Neither Neutral Nor Non-aligned: The Europeanization of Finland’s foreign and security policy,” Finnish Institute of International Affairs (December 2013).
    (六) 網路資源及其他
    Dyomkin, Denis, and Forsell, Tuomas, “Putin hints Russia will react if Finland joins NATO,” Reuters (July 2, 2016).
    Friis, Karsten, “Reviving Nordic Security and Defense Cooperation,” Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (October 2, 2024).
    “Global Power Index with sub-components_1816-2050,” Frederick S. Pardee Center for International Futures (30 September 2025).
    Johnson, Simon and Little, Tom, “Swedish, Polish forces simulate defence of Gotland amid Baltic tensions,” Reuters (September 25, 2025).
    Metelinen, Sami, “Nato-jäsenyyden kannatus kasvoi vuodessa,” EVA (October 26, 2021).
    Metelinen, Sami, “Suomalaiset liittyvät Natoon yhtenäisinä,” EVA (November 23, 2022).
    “The Military Balance 2022,” International Institute for Strategic Studies (February 2022).
    “The Military Balance 2023,” International Institute for Strategic Studies (February 2023).

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