本論文探討 2025 年泰柬邊境危機如何產生三重相互連結的泰國民族主義。本研究的核心問題是：為何一場地方性的邊境事件，在兩國已有密切邊境貿易、勞動流動、觀光往來與雙邊協商機制的情況下，仍會升高為嚴重的國家危機。本文主張，泰柬邊境不應只被理解為兩國之間的技術性界線；它同時也是安全區域、經濟走廊，以及承載主權、失土記憶與國家尊嚴的象徵空間。
本研究採用混合方法的單一案例研究設計，並比較三個層次的民族主義。第一波是曼谷中央國家層次的民族主義，政治菁英與國家機構透過主權、法律與 「國家地理身體」的語言來詮釋危機。第二波是邊境地區的日常民族主義，士兵、地方官員、商人與居民在安全、撤離、教育中斷、貿易受損與家庭收入等日常壓力下，重新理解並協商國家論述。第三波則是危機後的平凡民族主義，說明民族主義並不會在武裝衝突降溫後消失，而是持續存在於政策語言、政黨競爭、媒體論述與公共記憶之中。
本論文結論指出，2025 年危機中的泰國民族主義並非單一且一致的現象，而是在中央被生產、在邊境被協商，並在危機後被常態化為較安靜但仍可被重新動員的政治力量。本研究有助於理解東南亞的民族主義、邊境政治與衝突管理。

This thesis studies how the 2025 Thai–Cambodian border crisis generated three interconnected waves of Thai nationalism. The main puzzle of the study is why a localised border incident escalated into a serious national crisis, despite strong cross-border trade, labour mobility, tourism, and existing bilateral mechanisms. The thesis argues that the Thai–Cambodian border should not be understood only as a technical line between two states. It is also a security zone, an economic corridor, and a symbolic landscape shaped by historical memories of sovereignty, territorial loss, and national dignity.
The study applies a mixed-methods single-case design and compares nationalism across three levels. The first wave focuses on central-state nationalism in Bangkok, where political elites and state institutions framed the crisis through sovereignty, legality, and the defence of the national geo-body. The second wave examines borderland nationalism, showing how soldiers, local officials, traders, and residents negotiated nationalist discourse through daily concerns such as safety, evacuation, schooling, trade disruption, and household income. The third wave analyses post-crisis banal nationalism, arguing that nationalist narratives do not disappear after violence declines. Instead, they remain embedded in routine policy language, political competition, media discourse, and public memory.
The central theme is Thai nationalism during the 2025 crisis, it was not a single unified phenomenon. It was produced at the centre, negotiated at the border, and later normalised into a quieter but still politically available form. This study contributes to debates on nationalism, border politics, and conflict management in Southeast Asia.

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