中國中央電視台之【新聞聯播】自 1978 年起每日 19 時準時播出近半世紀，係全球罕見之日常化政治儀式，亦為中共向全國傳達政策與意識形態之首要管道。然既有媒介化儀式理論多奠基於民主社會之多元媒介場域，對威權體制下大規模、常態化政治儀式之運作機制著墨有限。本研究主張，當媒介自主性被黨國高度收編，威權與民主之媒介化儀式，其差異在於運作機制與媒介的本質之不同；【新聞聯播】非僅宣傳工具，而係融合權力展演、符號操作與意識形態構連之複合性政治傳播機制。

在理論架構上，本研究以媒介化儀式（mediatized rituals）為軸心。系譜自 Durkheim（1912/1995）論儀式與集體歡騰的社會整合功能出發，經 Kertzer（1988）論政治儀式如何建構政治秩序與正當化權威，途經 Dayan & Katz（1992）的媒介事件與 Couldry（2003）的媒介儀式，在 Hjarvard（2013）的媒介化概念與 Couldry & Hepp（2017）的深度媒介化視角下，最終落於 Cottle（2006）依傳播功能區分的媒介化儀式類型學，涵蓋慶祝式、衝突式、道德恐慌、媒介災難、公共危機與媒介醜聞六種子類型；本研究並以「日常即展演、常規即儀式」的威權語境界定，將【新聞聯播】視為整體性的儀式化新聞形構。符號與意識形態層次則援引 Turner（1969）的儀式符號多義性、Bourdieu（1991）的符號權力、Gramsci（1971）的文化霸權、Hall（1985）的構連理論與 Althusser（1970）的意識形態國家機器與召喚機制，構成「權力、符號、意識形態」由外而內的洋蔥模型分析架構。

本研究提出四個研究問題：其一，【新聞聯播】如何作為媒介化儀式再現與鞏固政治權力；其二，如何透過符號的選擇與操作建構政治意義與價值；其三，如何透過儀式與符號之結合，傳播黨國認同、社會規範與集體記憶等意識形態核心價值；其四，媒介化儀式於不同時期有何異同，並以新冠疫情為外部衝擊之切口，檢視儀式系統之韌性。

本研究以 2007 至 2023 年共 88,207 則【新聞聯播】新聞為文本，採計算傳播取徑，整合 AI 多模型共識分類、深度學習語言模型與語義網絡分析，建構「分類、符號、意識形態」三階段遞進架構（儀式分類效度 Macro-F1 = .8664，97.7%標籤經跨模型共識驗證），依序剖析權力、符號與意識形態三層。歷時比較以胡錦濤第二任期（2007–2012）、習近平第一任期（2012–2017）與第二任期（2017–2022）為單位，另將二十大後之權力交接過渡期界定為習三初期（2022年10月23日至2023年3月9日），因未滿一任僅作探索性觀察，並以新冠疫情作為觀察危機情境之切入點。

本研究發現，【新聞聯播】之媒介化儀式呈現三層共構之穩定系統。在權力展現層面，【新聞聯播】的權力邏輯不在於直接的衝突與對抗，而在於透過持續的慶祝與讚頌建構「萬事大吉」的政治想像。執政正當性儀式高居首位，慶祝式相關儀式佔七成左右；其他如衝突、災難、危機與醜聞等儀式，則是整合為穩定之儀式複合體，構成慶祝式之霸權結構。顯見威權媒介化儀式呈現層級化而非並行化的權力結構。

在符號運作層面，多數核心符號高度儀式專屬，僅少數萬能符號跨越多種儀式，扮演意識形態構連之樞紐。逾八成核心符號僅出現在一至兩種儀式類型，唯「國家」與「全國」等極少數符號得以橫跨多類儀式而近乎無所不在；文本量最大的執政正當性儀式，高頻詞彙凝縮於極有限的語彙空間，意味著閱聽人於反覆接收中可內化特定的意義建構。同一儀式類型在不同板塊亦以不同符號為樞紐，呈現「場域依存」的語義生產機制。從歷時角度觀之，執政正當性儀式的核心符號自「國家」與「全國」的雙核心，經首都與領導人居於樞紐的階段，演變至「習近平」隱含化與施政符號的凸顯，意即權威已然內化為敘事的預設前提。此種符號壟斷係 Turner（1969）多義性與 Laclau & Mouffe（1985）節點概念在威權語境的實證，意義因而固著於黨國敘事，亦係 Bourdieu（1991）符號權力自然化的具體展演。

在意識形態傳播層面，黨國認同為唯一具結構性核心地位之定錨面向，其背景覆蓋率至習二期升至九成以上；其餘四面向依議題情境靈活附著的層級結構。黨國認同於慶祝式相關儀式中延伸其主導地位，社會規範面向幾乎全數集中於道德恐慌相關類型，此種對應係 Hall（1985）構連理論的實證化。相對於民主社會「意識形態選擇性動員」的操作模式，【新聞聯播】呈現「整體定錨」的全覆蓋配置；意即意識形態在不依賴直接壓迫的情況下，以背景性瀰漫將黨國認同自然化為閱聽人的預設認知，呼應 Althusser（1970）的召喚機制與 Lukes（1974）的第三面向權力，係不可見權力在媒介場域的展演。

最後，整合分析顯示，權力、符號與意識形態三層在三個領導人時期呈同步漸進強化的共變軌跡：權力層的儀式配置由發展慶祝與災難吸納，經反腐道德化，轉向制度績效與風險治理；符號層的語義網絡持續緊縮；意識形態層的五面向覆蓋率單調遞升、黨國認同的主導類型數逐期擴張，並於黨代會與建黨百年等政治節點同步呈現高位共變。12個次板塊據此歸納為認同與規訓、發展與制度、對抗與劃界、危機與韌性四類儀式文法，整合為跨層穩定共構的「儀式複合體」。新冠疫情帶來全期擾動幅度最高的外生衝擊，公共危機相關儀式急遽上升、慶祝式比重遭暫時壓縮、各面向主導地位的排序一度由黨國認同移向制度優越，黨國認同的背景覆蓋率仍維持高位定錨；惟三層重構方向一致、擾動幅度相當、復歸時點同步，疫後（習三初期解封後）執政正當性儀式V型回彈至近六成，超越疫前水準；然回歸並非完全復原，威脅建構儀式比重上升，常態本身已被擾動重新定義。此種「吸納、重構、復歸」的動態，即本研究所提出的「儀式韌性」。威權韌性長於解釋政權「何以持穩」，儀式韌性則測量其「以何種符號過程持穩」，為威權韌性研究補上媒介層次的可觀測機制。

綜上所述，本研究呈現威權體制下媒介化儀式的完整運作機制：慶祝式儀式居於主導地位，12個板塊各司其職、以相對固定的敘事模式分工運作，黨國認同則為意識形態層之唯一結構性核心；平時逐步強化，危機時彈性調整、事後復歸。【新聞聯播】以日常化而非事件化的每日展演，填補缺乏選舉授權所留下的正當性缺口，此係列寧式黨國體制邏輯在媒體場域的具體呈現，亦為 Gramsci（1971）霸權概念的威權變體：霸權的維繫並非依靠剛性的排斥機制，而是透過構連吸納不同敘事於統一論述之中。其運作邏輯不在單一節目的說服，而在於日復一日再生產國家治理的象徵秩序。此發現為理解中國政治傳播提供完整圖像，亦為媒介化儀式理論走出民主語境、邁向跨體制比較奠定基礎。

本研究的理論貢獻有三。其一，完成 Cottle 媒介化儀式類型學在威權語境的大規模實證檢驗，並提出「交叉面向」與「霸權層面」兩項修正：前者指認複合敘事同時服務多重政治功能，後者主張六種儀式類型在威權語境下不再各自平行並列，而是形成以慶祝式為主導的層級結構。如此，原為民主社會設計、各類型並列的分類架構，即轉為足以刻畫威權媒體中儀式權力層級化結構的分析工具；過去對此類型學「類型邊界過寬」的批評，在威權語境下反而成為能涵蓋複合敘事的分析優勢；本研究並將自分析中衍生出的21種儀式類型與既有學術文獻加以配對，提出兼具實證特徵與概念構連的命名體系。其二，提出「儀式複合體」概念，指認權力結構、符號系統與意識形態部署三層在特定板塊的穩定共構，將分析單位自單一儀式類型拓展至結構配置，並明確界定：此概念僅描述三層穩定並存的型態，不主張三層之間具有因果關係。其三，提出「儀式韌性」概念，意即儀式系統於危機衝擊下維持核心結構、彈性調整並於事後復歸的能力，並附上可供檢驗的具體指標，供後續研究檢視此概念於不同體制的適用性。

本研究方法論貢獻具體有三。其一，首次將 Cottle 類型學延伸至單一媒體巨量文本的結構分析：原僅供質性個案分析的類型架構轉為可操作的分類體系，使儀式研究得以在單一媒體的巨量文本上，自個案層次的「類型辨識」，進入量化測量整體分布的結構層次，並以統計檢定取得可區辨的結構證據。其二，導入生成式 AI 模型的集成共識作為分類效度機制：由三個生成式 AI 模型各自獨立標註同一批文本，先確認各模型自身標註的穩定度，再以多數模型一致的結果為準，降低單一模型的偏誤；最後以 mT5 模型完成全數文本分類，兼顧正確性與規模。每一筆分類決策皆留有完整紀錄可供查核，確保研究可複製。其三，建立「權力、符號、意識形態」的三層量化整合流程：自板塊與儀式的雙層分類，經語義網絡的符號測量，至詞典比對的意識形態矩陣，以網絡密度、覆蓋率與集中度等指標整合三層，為計算傳播取徑的儀式研究提供自分類、測量至檢定的整套方法。本研究亦與中國傳播研究的說服、訊號與儀式三種取向對話：所探究者係儀式機制的結構面，居於效果研究鏈的前端，得為後續閱聽人研究奠定操作化的結構基礎。

Aired at 7 p.m. daily since 1978, Xinwen Lianbo (Network News Broadcast) of China Central Television has run for nearly half a century: a rare case of routinized political ritual in global media, and the Chinese Communist Party's foremost channel for policy and ideology. Existing theories of mediatized rituals, however, rest on the pluralistic media fields of democratic societies and say little about large-scale, routinized political ritual under authoritarian rule. This study argues that once the party-state has co-opted media autonomy, authoritarian and democratic mediatized rituals differ in operating mechanism and in the medium's very nature: Xinwen Lianbo is no mere propaganda instrument but a composite mechanism of political communication fusing power performance, symbolic operation, and ideological articulation.

Mediatized ritual is the theoretical axis. The genealogy runs from Durkheim (1912/1995) on collective effervescence, through Kertzer (1988) on ritual and political order, Dayan and Katz's (1992) media events, and Couldry's (2003) media rituals, to Cottle's (2006) typology by communicative function, read through Hjarvard's (2013) mediatization and Couldry and Hepp's (2017) deep mediatization: celebratory, conflictual, moral panic, media disaster, public crisis, and media scandal. Defining the authoritarian context as “the everyday as performance, the routine as ritual,” the study treats the program as an integral ritualized news formation. It draws on Turner's (1969) multivocality, Bourdieu's (1991) symbolic power, Gramsci's (1971) cultural hegemony, Hall's (1985) articulation, and Althusser's (1970) ideological state apparatuses and interpellation: an outside-in, onion-model framework of power, symbol, and ideology.

Four research questions follow: how the program represents and consolidates political power as mediatized ritual; how it constructs political meaning through symbol selection and deployment; how ritual and symbol jointly transmit party-state identity, social norms, and collective memory; and how its rituals vary across periods, with the COVID-19 pandemic as an external shock probing the system's resilience.

The corpus comprises 88,207 Xinwen Lianbo transcripts from 2007 to 2023. A computational communication approach integrates ensemble consensus classification by multiple AI models, deep-learning language models, and semantic network analysis into a three-stage design of classification, symbol, and ideology (ritual-classification validity Macro-F1 = .8664; 97.7% of labels verified by cross-model consensus). Diachronic comparison uses Hu Jintao's second term (2007–2012) and Xi Jinping's first (2012–2017) and second (2017–2022) terms; the transition after the 20th Party Congress is defined as early Xi III (October 23, 2022–March 9, 2023) and, short of a full term, observed exploratorily, with the COVID-19 pandemic as the window onto crisis.

The findings show a stable, tri-layered co-structured system. At the layer of power, the program's logic lies not in conflict but in sustained celebration and praise constructing an “all is well” political imaginary. Governing-legitimacy rituals rank first; celebratory-related rituals together take roughly seventy percent; conflict, disaster, crisis, and scandal rituals are integrated into a stable ritual complex under celebratory hegemony. Authoritarian mediatized ritual is thus hierarchical, not parallel.

At the layer of symbols, most core symbols are ritual-specific; only a handful of all-purpose symbols cross rituals as hubs of ideological articulation. Over eighty percent of core symbols appear in one or two ritual types; a very few, such as “nation” and “nationwide,” are nearly ubiquitous. The governing-legitimacy ritual, largest in text volume, condenses its high-frequency vocabulary into a very limited lexical space, so repeated reception invites audiences to internalize specific constructions of meaning. Each ritual also pivots on different symbols in different sections; semantic production is field-dependent. Diachronically, the core symbols move from the dual core of “nation” and “nationwide,” through a capital-and-leader stage, to “Xi Jinping” turning implicit as governance symbols gain salience: authority has become the narrative's default premise. This monopoly demonstrates Turner's (1969) multivocality and Laclau and Mouffe's (1985) nodal points in authoritarian form, fixing meaning to the party-state narrative and enacting Bourdieu's (1991) naturalization of symbolic power.

At the layer of ideology, party-state identity is the sole anchoring dimension with structural-core status; its background coverage exceeds ninety percent by Xi II; the other four dimensions attach flexibly by issue. Party-state identity dominates celebratory-related rituals; social norms concentrate in moral-panic types, an empirical instance of Hall's (1985) articulation. Against the “selective ideological mobilization” of democratic societies, Xinwen Lianbo shows a full-coverage “holistic anchoring”: without direct coercion, ideology naturalizes party-state identity into the audience's default cognition through banal pervasion, echoing Althusser's (1970) interpellation and Lukes's (1974) third face of power—invisible power performed in the media field.

Integrated analysis shows the three layers reinforcing one another across periods: power moves from developmental celebration and disaster absorption, through moralized anti-corruption, to institutional performance and risk governance; semantic networks tighten; five-dimension coverage rises monotonically and party-state-dominated types expand, peaking together at Party Congresses and the Party's centenary. The twelve subsections group into four ritual grammars—identity and discipline, development and institution, confrontation and demarcation, and crisis and resilience—forming a stably co-structured “ritual complex.” COVID-19 delivered the period's greatest exogenous shock: public-crisis rituals surged, the celebratory share was compressed, and dominance shifted briefly toward institutional superiority, while party-state identity kept its high background coverage. Reconfiguration ran in one direction, at comparable magnitude, with synchronized restoration; after reopening in early Xi III, governing-legitimacy rituals rebounded in a V-shape to nearly sixty percent, above pre-pandemic levels. The return was no full restoration: threat-construction rituals rose, and normalcy itself was redefined. This dynamic of absorption, reconfiguration, and restoration is “ritual resilience”: where authoritarian resilience explains why regimes hold steady, ritual resilience measures through what symbolic processes they do, an observable media-level mechanism.

In sum: celebratory rituals dominate; the twelve sections perform allotted roles through fixed narrative patterns; party-state identity anchors the ideological layer as its sole structural core, reinforced in normal times, adjusted in crisis, restored thereafter. Through routinized rather than event-based daily performance, Xinwen Lianbo fills the legitimacy gap left by the absence of electoral authorization: Leninist party-state logic projected onto the media field, an authoritarian variant of Gramsci's (1971) hegemony maintained not by exclusion but by articulation absorbing disparate narratives into one discourse. Its logic lies not in persuading through any single broadcast but in reproducing, day after day, the symbolic order of state governance: a complete picture of Chinese political communication, and a basis for carrying mediatized-ritual theory beyond democratic contexts toward cross-regime comparison.

Three theoretical contributions follow. First, a large-scale test of Cottle's typology in an authoritarian context yields two amendments, the “intersectional dimension” and the “hegemonic level”: the former captures composite narratives serving several political functions at once; the latter holds that the six types form a hierarchy led by the celebratory rather than standing in parallel. A framework designed for democratic media thus depicts hierarchical ritual power, the old objection of over-broad boundaries becoming an advantage for accommodating composite narratives; the 21 empirically derived ritual types are paired with existing scholarship in a naming system of empirical features and conceptual articulation. Second, the “ritual complex” names the stable co-structuring of power, symbol, and ideological deployment within particular sections, extending analysis from single types to configurations; the concept is expressly descriptive, claiming no causal relations. Third, “ritual resilience,” a system's capacity to hold its core structure, adjust, and return to form after crisis, comes with verifiable indicators for tests across regimes.

Methodological contributions are likewise threefold. First, the study is the first to extend Cottle's typology to a massive single-outlet corpus: a framework once serving qualitative case analysis becomes an operational classification system, moving ritual research from case-level identification to quantitative measurement of whole distributions under statistical test. Second, ensemble consensus among generative AI models serves as the validity mechanism: three models label the same texts independently; each model's stability is confirmed; majority agreement reduces single-model bias; an mT5 model then classifies the full corpus, balancing accuracy and scale, every decision recorded and auditable. Third, a three-layer quantitative pipeline runs from two-tier classification, through semantic-network measurement, to a dictionary-based ideological matrix, integrated by density, coverage, and concentration: one method chain from classification through measurement to testing for computational ritual research. Conversing with the persuasion, signaling, and ritual approaches in Chinese communication research, the study examines the structural facet of the ritual mechanism, at the front end of the effects-research chain, an operationalized foundation for audience research.

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