本文以國際關係中的權力理論探討歷史上霸權的崛起，並關注當代中國的崛起與未來。透過檢視摩根索(Hans Morgenthau)的權力理論與奈伊(Joseph Nye)的柔性權力(soft power)理論，本文試圖填補國際關係理論中「傳統剛性權力與柔性權力相互關係」的不足，發現兩者相互建構的密切關係與互異的權力性質。奈伊的柔性權力理論相對於傳統剛性權力雖然是九０年代的新概念，然而在摩根索的權力理論當中也可窺見其影，這說明柔性權力並非當代美國的專利，其存在可透過歷史驗證。
霸權是國家權力尋求極大化的結果。本文的兩組案例：十九世紀的大英帝國與二十世紀的美國的崛起歷史即是剛性與柔性兩種權力的交互作用結果。上述兩國的軍事、經濟、科技與其他文化力量在其崛起過程中逐步累積，其規模與速度的優勢是導致兩國脫穎而出的關鍵，其中較容易被忽略的文化力量對英美兩國而言，其重要性遠超越想像，這也就是說，柔性權力對一國的重要性遠大於目前國際關係學者的認識，而這也是本文最主要的發現。
當前的中國因其崛起現象而被視為下一個領導世界的霸權候選人，因此本文著重檢視中國的柔性權力狀態以觀察其崛起動能，發現中國的文化與外交力量正透過中國官方的扶植與支持而快速增加。相較於英美崛起的歷史經驗，中國的柔性權力展現高度的國家戰略性，也因此形成「具中國特色的柔性權力」。中國仰賴其「具中國特色的柔性權力」做為國家戰略以尋求國家地位的提升則是本文的第二項主要發現。
上述「具中國特色的柔性權力」大舉吸引世界目光說明她以柔性權力為崛起戰略的意涵，然而這項歷史發展也與英美霸權的崛起軌跡產生差異，主因仍在其國內政治體制與西方的差異以及全球化浪潮的影響程度差異。面對上述衝擊，一個逐漸崛起的中國可能產生三種不同的未來想定(scenario)：堅持現有路線（維持國內政治穩定，但減損對西方國家的柔性權力）、轉向英美崛起軌跡（國內政治改革可能引發衝擊）、超越歷史終結（尋求比目前西方民主體制更為廣泛接受的政治體制），本文對中國未來的預測偏向第三種想定。

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2. 期刊論文

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3. 新聞

Friedman,Thomas. “A Million Manhattan Projects,” New York Times, May 24, 2006.
Mearsheimer, John J. "Hans Morgenthau and the Iraq War: Realism versus Neo-Conservatism," http://www.opendemocracy.net/democracy-americanpower/morgenthau_2522.jsp . May 19, 2005.
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