| 研究生: |
陳怡臻 Yi Jen Chen |
|---|---|
| 論文名稱: |
山東方言變調之總括方向性 Generalized Directionality of Tone Sandhi in Shandong Dialects |
| 指導教授: |
蕭宇超
Hsiao, Yuchau E. |
| 口試委員: |
黃慧娟
Huang, Hui-Chuan J. 林蕙珊 Lin, Hui-Shan 歐淑珍 Ou, Shu-Chen 石書豪 Shih, Shu-hao |
| 學位類別: |
博士
Doctor |
| 系所名稱: |
外國語文學院 - 語言學研究所 Graduate Institute of Linguistics |
| 論文出版年: | 2025 |
| 畢業學年度: | 114 |
| 語文別: | 英文 |
| 論文頁數: | 248 |
| 中文關鍵詞: | 連讀變調 、聲調協同發音 、變調方向性 、山東方言 、優選理論 |
| 外文關鍵詞: | Tone sandhi, Tonal coarticulation, Tone sandhi directionality, Shandong dialects, Optimality Theory |
| 相關次數: | 點閱:188 下載:11 |
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本文探討兩個漢語連讀變調的核心議題:變調與聲調協同發音的差異,以及連讀變調方向性。第一,本文指出既有文獻中用來區分連讀變調與聲調協同發音的量化方法可能將協同發音誤判為連讀變調。為了避免此一潛在問題,本文提出結合聲調區別特徵(distinctive feature)分析與語音分析的方法,根據與區別特徵相對應的基頻(F0)參數,來判斷一個聲調是否經過變調成為另一聲調,抑或僅受到協同發音的影響且保持本調。相較於過去透過檢視一個聲調的所有基頻特徵是否有顯著差異的判斷方式,本文結合聲韻系統分析,主張僅需要觀察與一個聲調的區別特徵相對應的基頻參數是否發生顯著變化。此方法將聲調區別特徵相關的基頻參數之顯著變化視為變調,並將其餘變化歸因於協同發音作用,藉此降低誤判的可能性。第二,過去研究指出有些方言的連讀變調方向性會受句法構詞結構影響(structure-sensitive),如北京話;有些方言的變調方向性則不受其影響 (structure-insensitive),如天津話,但未有方言同時表現兩種方向性。本文根據第一手實證性語料指出,至少在四個山東方言中,結構敏感與非結構敏感的變調方向性可共存於同一方言,且此種共存現象難以用傳統優選理論平行分析的框架(parallelism)解釋。因此,本文提出這種現象可以在和諧串行理論(Harmonic Serialism)的框架下,藉由三種信實性制約的局部合取(local conjunction)之排序來分析。本文提出的理論框架不僅可分析山東方言的共存方向性,亦可延伸運用於其他不具共存方向性的連讀變調方言。
This dissertation addresses two issues in Chinese tone sandhi literature: (a) the acoustic distinction between tone sandhi and tonal coarticulation, and (b) tone sandhi directionality in right-dominant Mandarin dialects. First, previous quantitative methods to distinguish between tone sandhi and tonal coarticulation could potentially mistake tonal coarticulation for tone sandhi. To avoid the problem, I propose to identify tone sandhi based on F0 parameters that correspond to phonologically distinctive tonal features. The proposed criteria offer a more precise filter for tonal coarticulation. Second, previous research on tone sandhi directionality has observed its structure-sensitivity in some languages (e.g., Standard Chinese) and structure-insensitivity in others (e.g., Tianjin Mandarin), but not both types of sensitivity in one language. Based on first-hand empirical data, this dissertation shows that structure-sensitive and structure-insensitive patterns coexist in at least four individual Shandong dialects. Such coexisting directionalities in one language pose a challenge to previous parallelist frameworks of Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky, 1993/2004). This dissertation proposes a serialist constraint-based framework (Generalized Directionality) and analyzes the coexisting directionalities by prioritizing three IDENTITY conjunctions under Harmonic Serialism (McCarthy, 2010). The advantage of the proposed theory of Generalized Directionality is that it can analyze dialects with either structure-sensitive or structure-insensitive directionality, and dialects with both types of directionality.
1. INTRODUCTION 10
2. LITERATURE REVIEW 16
2.1 Basics of Optimality Theory 16
2.1.1 Classical Optimality Theory 16
2.1.2 Harmonic Serialism 18
2.1.3 Faithfulness Constraints 20
2.1.4 Markedness Constraints 24
2.1.5 Local Conjunctions 26
2.2 Tone Sandhi Directionality 29
2.2.1 Structural Affinity 30
2.2.2 Prosodic Correspondence 37
2.2.3 Tonal Markedness 43
2.2.4 Typological Predictions of Previous Constraints 50
3. PROPOSED FRAMEWORKS 53
3.1 Theoretical Presuppositions 53
3.1.1 Phonological Representations 53
3.1.2 Tonal Output Candidates and Tonotactics 54
3.1.3 Super-Prosodic Word 55
3.2 A Theory of Generalized Directionality 57
3.2.1 Repair Order and Tone Sandhi Directionality 58
3.2.2 Generalized Directionality 59
3.3 Tonal Parameters for Phonetics-Phonology Connection 68
3.3.1 Tone Sandhi vs. Tonal Coarticulation 69
3.3.2 Qualitative and Quantitative Criteria for Tone Sandhi 70
3.3.3 A Hybrid Criterion 72
4. RIZHAO DIALECT 76
4.1 Tone Sandhi System 76
4.2 Data Collection 80
4.2.1 Materials 80
4.2.2 Recording 82
4.2.3 F0 Analysis 82
4.3 Empirical Results of Trisyllabic Tone Sandhi Patterns 83
4.3.1 Tone Sandhi Judgement 83
4.3.2 Tone Sandhi Patterns 84
4.4 Analysis of Tone Sandhi Directionality 91
4.4.1 Tone Sandhi in Disyllabic Strings 91
4.4.2 Tone Sandhi in Trisyllabic Strings 93
4.5 Summary 102
5. JINING DIALECT 104
5.1 Tone Sandhi System 104
5.2 Data Collection 108
5.2.1 Materials 108
5.2.2 Recording 110
5.2.3 F0 Analysis 110
5.3 Empirical Results of Trisyllabic Tone Sandhi Patterns 111
5.3.1 Tone Sandhi Judgement 111
5.3.2 Tone Sandhi Patterns 113
5.4 Analysis of Tone Sandhi Directionality 124
5.4.1 Tone Sandhi in Disyllabic Strings 124
5.4.2 Tone Sandhi in Trisyllabic Strings 128
5.5 Summary 143
6. LONGKOU DIALECT 145
6.1 Tone Sandhi System 145
6.2 Data Collection 149
6.2.1 Materials 149
6.2.2 Recording 150
6.2.3 F0 Analysis 151
6.3 Empirical Results of Trisyllabic Tone Sandhi Patterns 152
6.3.1 Tone Sandhi Judgement 152
6.3.2 Tone Sandhi Patterns 152
6.4 Analysis of Tone Sandhi Directionality 158
6.4.1 Tone Sandhi in Disyllabic Strings 158
6.4.2 Tone Sandhi in Trisyllabic Strings 160
6.5 Summary 167
7. LAOLING DIALECT 169
7.1 Tone Sandhi System 169
7.2 Data Collection 172
7.2.1 Materials 172
7.2.2 Recording 174
7.2.3 F0 Analysis 175
7.3 Empirical Results of Trisyllabic Tone Sandhi Patterns 176
7.3.1 Tone Sandhi Judgement 176
7.3.2 Tone Sandhi Patterns 177
7.4 Analysis of Tone Sandhi Directionality 186
7.4.1 Tone Sandhi in Disyllabic Strings 186
7.4.2 Tone Sandhi in Trisyllabic Strings 188
7.5 Summary 200
8. GENERAL DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION 202
8.1 Cross-linguistic Implications 203
8.1.1 Sixian-Hakka Tone Sandhi 203
8.1.2 Boshan Tone Sandhi 206
8.1.3 Tianjin Tone Sandhi 212
8.1.4 A Typology of Tone Sandhi Directionality 220
8.2 Conclusion and Future Work 222
BIBLIOGRAPHY 226
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