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| 研究生： |
何郁瑩 |
|---|---|
| 論文名稱： |
論台灣華語中的限定與非限定子句的區分 Defending the Finite vs. Non-finite Distinction in Taiwan Mandarin |
| 指導教授： |
何萬順
Her, One-soon |
| 學位類別： |
碩士
Master |
| 系所名稱： |
外國語文學院 - 語言學研究所 Graduate Institute of Linguistics |
| 論文出版年： | 2008 |
| 畢業學年度： | 96 |
| 語文別： | 英文 |
| 論文頁數： | 101 |
| 中文關鍵詞： | 限定與非限定子句 、次劃分 、情狀動詞 、緩衝詞 、詞彙功能語法 、非實現貌 |
| 外文關鍵詞： | finiteness and non-finiteness, subcategorize, FC verb, NC verb, DL verb, modals, IRREALIS |
| 相關次數： | 點閱：168 下載：165 |
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國 立 政 治 大 學 研 究 所 碩 士 論 文 提 要
研究所別：語言學研究所
論文名稱：論台灣華語中的限定與非限定子句的區分
指導教授：何萬順 博士
研究生：何郁瑩
論文提要內容：〈共一冊，20013字，分七章〉
本篇論文藉由三段邏輯論證法推翻漢語沒有限定與非限定子句之分的論證；反之，支持此區分在台灣華語中的有效性。鑑於「時式」的普遍性，表現在構詞方面的限定與非限定區分在綜合型語言當中是顯而易見的。雖然台灣華語缺乏明顯的構詞標記，但此限定與非限定的區分透過句法類目以及句法現象的限制依然成立。此外，我們亦將次劃分子句為補語的動詞進ㄧ步區分為三類─限定補語動詞、非限定補語動詞、雙類動詞。限定補語動詞可同時次劃分有明顯主語的限定子句以及經由代詞刪略現象後無主語的限定子句，而非限定補語動詞僅能次劃分不帶主語的非限定子句。至於雙類動詞，一類從舊有文獻中劃分出來的新類動詞，擁有同時次劃分限定子句與非限定子句的能力。當雙類動詞次劃分限定子句為補語時，有兩個條件必須被滿足：一是情狀動詞的出現，此為必要條件；二是明顯主語的出現，此為充分條件。再者，子句主語的出現與否端視於主要句謂語與子句謂語間的緩衝詞是否出現。在詞彙功能語法的架構之下，情狀動詞的出現之所以為雙類動詞次劃分限定子句為補語的必要條件是由於雙類動詞要求其子句補語擁有「非實現貌」的元素，而此元素便是由情狀動詞所提供。基於本篇論文中強而有力的論述，我們強烈主張此限定與非限定子句的區分在台灣華語中是存在的，甚至普及於全人類的語言。
This thesis provides robust argumentation via syllogisms so as to deny the argument that the distinction between finiteness and non-finiteness does not exist in Mandarin Chinese; on the contrary, to defend the proposition that this finite vs. non-finite distinction does exist in Taiwan Mandarin. In virtue of the universality of the category tense, the finite vs. non-finite distinction, morphologically manifested in synthetic languages, is taken for granted. Opaque as it is in Taiwan Mandarin, there still exist other ways for distinction, such as constraints on syntactic categories and operations. Furthermore, we re-classify verbs subcategorizing sentential complements into three types—finite-complement verb (FC verb), non-finite-complement verb (NC verb), dual-listing verb (DL verb). FC verbs can subcategorize not only finite clauses with overt subjects, but also those with covert counterparts left after pro-drop processes, while NC verbs can only subcategorize non-finite clauses as sentential complement. As for DL verbs, a neonatal one extracted from the so-called persuade-type verbs in the literature, has the capability of subcategorizing dual sentential complements, namely, finite clauses and non-finite clauses. When DL verbs subcategorize finite clauses as complement, two conditions must be satisfied to ensure the grammaticality. They are the presence of modals and the presence of overt subjects. The former is a necessary condition; the latter is a sufficient condition. Moreover, the presence of embedded overt subjects hinges on the presence of proper buffers between main predicates and embedded overt subjects. In LFG’s framework, the reason for the presence of modals being the necessary condition is that DL verbs require their sentential complements to have the value IRREALIS, which is denoted by modals obviously. On account of the tenable criteria mentioned in this thesis, we assert with confidence that this finite vs. non-finite distinction does exist in Taiwan Mandarin and that this distinction is considered universal.
Acknowledgements……………………………… ……………………..iv
Table of Contents…………… ……………………………………….v
Chinese Abstract…………… ……………………………………….vii
English Abstract……………………………………………………...ix
Chapter
1.Introduction……………………………………………………………01
1.1 Motivation andPurpose……………………………………….03
1.2 Information about the Data.………………………………07
1.3 Organization of this Thesis………………………………07
2.Literature Review…………………………………………….....09
2.1 Huang (1982)…………………………………………………….09
2.2 Li (1990)…………………………………………………………13
2.3 Tang (1990)………………………………………………………16
2.4 Hu et al. (2001)………………………………………………19
2.4.1 Aspectual Markers and Modals………………………20
2.4.2 Structural Barriers: the Co-occurrence
Relation, the Licensingof Negative Polarity
Items and the Unbounded Dependency………………23
2.4.3 Obligatory Null Subjects………………………………27
2.4.4 Syntactic Structures Reserved for Finite
Clauses and the Interpretation and the
Distribution of WH-words ……………………………29
3. Remarks on Hu et al.’s Argumentation……………………33
3.1 The Stance behind the Tensedness Parameter………33
3.2 Logical Invalidity……………………………………………34
3.3 Theory-internal Discrepancies……………………………40
3.3.1 GB-framework………………………………………………40
3.3.2 LFG-framework………………………………………………45
4. Verbs Subcategorizing Sentential Complements…………51
4.1 Parallels between English and Taiwan Mandarin……51
4.2 Verbs Classifications in Taiwan Mandarin……………53
4.2.1 Finite-complement (FC) Verbs………………………53
4.2.2 Dual-listing (DL) Verbs………………………………55
4.2.3 Non-finite-complement (NC) Verbs…………………58
5. Manifestations of Finiteness and Non-finiteness in
Taiwan Mandarin………………………………………………………61
5.1 Subcategorizations of FC Verbs…………………………61
5.2 Subcategorizations of DL Verbs……………………………64
5.2.1 DL Verbs Subcategorizing Finite-clauses as
Complement……………………………………………………64
5.2.2 DL Verbs Subcategorizing Non-finite-clauses as
Complement…………………………………………………75
5.3 Subcategorizations of NC Verbs…………………………78
6. Other Proposed Criteria for Non-finiteness……………81
6.1 The Co-occurrence Relation and the Licensing of
Negative Polarity Items……………………………………81
6.2 Tang’s Other Five Criteria for Non-finiteness…88
7. Conclusion……………………………………………………………93
References…………………………………………………………………97
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