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| 研究生： |
吳琇鈴 Wu, Xiu Ling |
|---|---|
| 論文名稱： |
從音韻及句法、語意、構詞的關係看漢語的輕聲現象 Neutral Tone Sandhi in Mandarin Chinese: A Perspective of the Connection between Phonology and Three Linguistic Components, Syntax, Semantics and Morphology |
| 指導教授： |
蕭宇超
Hsiao, Yu Chau |
| 學位類別： |
碩士
Master |
| 系所名稱： |
外國語文學院 - 英國語文學系 Department of English |
| 論文出版年： | 1995 |
| 畢業學年度： | 83 |
| 語文別： | 英文 |
| 論文頁數： | 126 |
| 中文關鍵詞： | 焦點詞語 、韻板計數理論 、構詞規型 |
| 外文關鍵詞： | Focal Phrase, Beat-counting Theory, Morphological Template |
| 相關次數： | 點閱：151 下載：0 |
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本文主要是探討漢語短語及詞彙層次的輕聲現象。關於短語性的輕聲，鄭良偉先生(1989)是從句法的觀點來分析，本文則採用韻律体系理論來探討。我們提議了一組焦點詞語的原則及幾個相關的制約。此外，我們從蕭宇超先生(1991 & 1994)的韻板計數理論來觀察輕聲的節奏問題，因而修訂了虛詞音板指派及音板連接方向的原則，也建議了一條抵輔音板加入的規則。
關於詞彙性的輕聲，我們採用McCarthy及Prince(1986)的構詞規型理論及Kiparsky(1973 & 1982)，Mohanan(1982 & 1986)的字構音韻學理論來探討此一現象。我們建議了詞彙性的輕聲基本上運作於楊抑格音步，然而抵輔調卻運作於抑楊格音步。觀察了相關的音韻及構詞規則，我們也發現到文獻上輕聲的語料可由層級的觀念來分析。
This thesis deals with neutral tone sandhi in Mandarin Chinese at the phrasal and lexical levels. Previous research of the phrasal neutral tone, e.g., R. Cheng (1989), has focused only at the syntactic level. In this research, we employ prosodic theories (Selkirk (1984 & 1986), Nespor and Vogel (1986), etc.) to condition phrasal neutral tone sandhi, and propose a set of focal phrasing principles and a couple of relevant constraints. In addition, we discuss the rhythm of neutral tone under the framework of the beat-counting theory (Hsiao, 1991 & 1994) to see in what ways the theory has to be modified. We propose a pair of revised principles of functor beat assignment and directional beat adjunction, along with a backup rule of the default beat addition.
As to neutral tone at the lexical level, we incorporate morphological template theory (McCarthy and Prince (1986)), and lexical phonology theory (Kiparsky (1973 & 1982), Mohanan (1982 & 1986), etc.). We propose that lexical neutral tone target a trochaic foot template, while a default tone target an iambic foot template. Observing the relevant phonological and morphological rules, we find that the neutral-toned data in the literature can be somehow generalized by way of level ordering.
Acknowledgements-----iv
Abbreviations-----v
Table of Contents-----vi
Chinese Abstract-----ix
English Abstract-----x
CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION-----1
CHAPTER 2 THEORETICAL BACKGROUND-----4
2.1 The Interface between Syntax and Phonology-----4
2.1.1 The Indirect Reference Hypothesis-----4
2.1.2 The Direct Reference Hypothesis-----6
2.2 The Beat-counting Theory-----7
2.3 Morphological Template-----11
2.4 Lexical Phonology-----13
CHAPTER 3 PHRASAL NEUTRAL TONE-----16
3.1 Introduction-----16
3.2 R. Cheng's (1989) Syntactic Conditions & Problems-----17
3.3 Kanerva's (1989) Focal Phrasing-----21
3.4 Hsiao's (1991) Phonological Phrase-----24
3.5 L. Cheng's (1987) Prosodic Domains-----28
3.6 Our Analysis of Phrasal Neutral Tone-----30
3.6.1 The Analysis-----30
3.6.2 The Constraints of Focal Phrasing Formation-----38
3.6.3 Branching-----44
3.7 Conclusion-----46
CHAPTER 4 THE RHYTHM OF NEUTRAL TONE-----50
4.1 Introduction-----50
4.2 Functor Beat Assignment (Hsiao, 1991 & 1994)-----50
4.3 The Beat Assignment of a Neutral-Toned Syllable-----52
4.4 Beat Addition-----54
4.5 The Adjunction of Neutral-Toned Syllables-----55
4.6 The Constraint of Focal Beat Adjunction-----59
4.7 Default Beat-----64
4.8 Default Beat Nonapplicable-----68
4.9 Conclusion-----70
CHAPTER 5 LEXICAL NEUTRAL TONE-----75
5.1 Introduction-----75
5.2 Literature Review-----75
5.2.1 C. Cheng's (1973) Analysis-----75
5.2.2 Li's (1987) Analysis-----77
5.2.3 Comments on C. Cheng's & Li's Treatments-----79
5.3 Working Hypothesis-----80
5.4 Relevant Phonological Rules-----81
5.4.1 The Third Tone Rule-----81
5.4.2 The Neutral Tone Rule-----81
5.4.3 The Default Tone Rule-----82
5.4.4 The Iambic Footing-----83
5.4.5 The Trochaic Footing-----85
5.5 Relevant Morphological Rules-----87
5.5.1 Prefixation-----87
5.5.2 Compounding-----88
5.5.2.1 Verb-object Compounds-----88
5.5.2.2 Verb-complement Compounds-----89
5.5.2.3 Coordinate Compounds-----89
5.5.2.4 Modifier-head Compounds-----90
5.5.3 Reduplication-----91
5.5.4 Suf fixation-----93
5.6 The Semantic Conditions of a Trochaic Foot Template-----95
5.7 Level Ordering-----98
5.7.1 Level One Rules-----98
5.7.2 Level Two Rules-----100
5.7.3 Level Three Rules-----102
5.7.4 Theoretical Advantages-----104
5.8 Conclusion-----104
CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSION-----108
BIBLIOGRAPHY-----110
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