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| 研究生： |
葉德偉 Yeh, Tei-Wei |
|---|---|
| 論文名稱： |
從優選理論分析臺灣華語的韻母音組限制 An Optimality Theory Approach to Phonotactic Restrictions of Taiwanese Mandarin Rhymes |
| 指導教授： |
蕭宇超
Hsiao, Yu-Chau |
| 口試委員: |
林蕙珊
Lin, Hui-Shan 吳貞慧 Wu, Chen-Huei |
| 學位類別： |
碩士
Master |
| 系所名稱： |
外國語文學院 - 語言學研究所 Graduate Institute of Linguistics |
| 論文出版年： | 2020 |
| 畢業學年度： | 108 |
| 語文別： | 英文 |
| 論文頁數： | 81 |
| 中文關鍵詞： | 優選理論 、臺灣華語 、韻母 、音組限制 |
| 外文關鍵詞： | Optimality Theory, Taiwanese Mandarin, Rhyme, Phonotactic restriction |
| DOI URL： | http://doi.org/10.6814/NCCU202000482 |
| 相關次數： | 點閱：237 下載：30 |
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華語的音節結構非常簡單，最多僅能容納CGVX四個音段（Duanmu，2007）。然而其內部卻有著非常複雜的音組限制。先前的研究（Duanmu，2007；Lin，2007/2015；Hsieh，2012）曾透過優選理論分析中元音的同化及低元音的提高現象，然這些研究並未針對臺灣口音中不同的特色做出考量；再者，除了這些音韻規則以外，華語的韻母仍存在許多其他的限制。
本論文以臺灣的口音為基礎，透過優選理論（Prince and Smolensky，1993）分析華語的韻母音組限制，包含無鼻音韻尾及有鼻音韻尾兩個部分。無鼻音韻尾的韻母主要的現象包括中/低元音在雙元音結構下的同化、介音與滑音韻尾的異化及介音後不得緊接高元音；含鼻音韻尾的韻母結構中，主要的現象包含高/低元音與鼻音韻尾的同化、央元音的插入及高元音的提高。除了這些現象外，臺灣口音包含了少數不規則的韻母，如[iŋ]及[oŋ]，本論文認為此方言擁有較高排序的制約排除[əŋ]的組合（*əŋ）及連續的後高音段（OCP-[+hi, +bk]）。
經過本論文的分析，臺灣華語的韻母中，大部分的空缺皆具系統性，僅*[ɥa]及*[ɥɑŋ]無其他對稱的空缺，故本論文將此二韻母視為偶然空缺。而除了韻母內部外，聲母及韻母的組合仍存在著其他音組限制，則有賴後續更深入的研究。
The syllable structure of Mandarin is quite simple which is described as CGVX (Duanmu, 2007), indicating that it can only contain four segments at most. However, there are complex restrictions within such simple structure. Previous research (Duanmu, 2007; Lin, 2007/2015; Hsieh, 2012) has proposed some analyses regarding to mid vowel assimilation and low vowel raising in terms of Optimality Theory. However, these studies do not focus on Taiwan dialect, which actually has some different rhymes from other dialects. Furthermore, there are still other phonotactic restrictions in addition to mid vowel assimilation and low vowel raising.
This thesis proposes an Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky, 1993) approach to analyze the phonotactic restrictions of Taiwanese Mandarin rhymes. The analysis is divided into two parts: One discusses the rhymes without a nasal coda and the other the rhymes containing a nasal coda. The phenomena in the rhymes without a nasal coda mainly include the mid/low vowel assimilation, the dissimilation of prenuclear and postnuclear glides and the prohibition of two adjacent high vocoids. As for the rhymes with a nasal coda, the analyses mainly include high/low vowels assimilating to the nasal coda, the central vowel insertion and low vowel raising. In addition to these phenomena, there are some irregular rhymes in Taiwanese Mandarin such as [iŋ] and [oŋ]. These rhymes are surfaced out because of the high-ranked constraints such as *əŋ and OCP-[+hi, +bk].
Through the analysis, most absent rhymes in Taiwanese Mandarin is systematic except for *[ɥa] and *[ɥɑŋ]. Therefore, they are considered accidental gaps in this thesis. In addition to the phonotactic restrictions within the rhyme domain, there are much more constraints regarding to the combination of the onset and the rhyme, which relies on further studies.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS v
VITA vi
TABLE OF CONTENTS vii
ABSTRACT ix
Chapter 1 Introduction 1
1.1 Preliminaries 1
1.2 Field of Research 2
1.2.1 The Domain of Rhyme 2
1.2.2 Dialect 3
1.3 Thesis Layout 5
Chapter 2 Theoretical Background and Literature Review 7
2.1 Optimality Theory 7
2.1.1 Constraint Ranking 8
2.1.2 Categories and Definitions of the Constraints 10
2.1.3 Local Conjunction and Self Conjunction 11
2.2 Previous OT Analyses of Mandarin 12
2.2.1 The Issue of Mid Vowel Assimilation 12
2.2.2 The Issue of Low Vowel Raising 17
Chapter 3 Patterns of Rhymes in Taiwanese Mandarin 19
3.1 Principles and Charts 19
3.2 Controversial Rhyme Structures 21
3.2.1 [e] and [o] 21
3.2.2 The Low Front Vowel [a] 22
3.2.3 [jaj] 22
3.3 A General Description 23
Chapter 4 An OT Analysis 28
4.1 Rhymes without a Nasal Coda 28
4.1.1 Mid/Low Vowel Assimilation 28
4.1.2 The Phonotactic Restriction of Triphthongs 34
4.1.3 The Sequence of High Vocoids 40
4.1.4 Summary 46
4.2 Rhymes with a Nasal Coda 47
4.2.1 High Vowel Preceding a Nasal Coda 47
4.2.1.1 The Regular Patterns [in], [wən] and [yn] 48
4.2.1.2 The Irregular Outputs of /iŋ/, /uŋ/ and /yŋ/ 54
4.2.2 [ən] and [əŋ] without a Prenuclear Glide 62
4.2.3 Low Vowel Preceding a Nasal Coda 64
4.2.3.1 Low Vowel Backing 64
4.2.3.2 Low Vowel Raising 68
4.2.4 Summary 74
Chapter 5 Conclusion 77
REFERENCES 80
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