| 研究生: |
洪聖瑋 Hung, Sheng Wei |
|---|---|
| 論文名稱: |
以優選理論分析國語中的法語借字 An OT analysis of French loanwords in Mandarin Chinese |
| 指導教授: |
蕭宇超
Hsiao, Yu Chau |
| 學位類別: |
碩士
Master |
| 系所名稱: |
外國語文學院 - 語言學研究所 Graduate Institute of Linguistics |
| 論文出版年: | 2014 |
| 畢業學年度: | 103 |
| 語文別: | 英文 |
| 論文頁數: | 109 |
| 中文關鍵詞: | 法語借詞 、國語 、優選理論 、ROE模型 、借詞語料庫 、語言變異 |
| 外文關鍵詞: | French loanwords, Taiwan Mandarin, Optimality Theory, Rank-ordering model of EVAL, Loanword corpus, Variations |
| 相關次數: | 點閱:150 下載:57 |
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本論文探討法語借詞進入國語音韻系統時所採取的音韻調整策略,並從優選理論和語料庫的角度來分析借詞現象,主軸為法語子音和鼻母音的調整模式。
本研究建置一個法語借詞語料庫,並統計音段保留、替代、或刪除的趨向。研究發現,音段保留與調整為主要的轉譯策略,唯有韻尾子音[ʁ]傾向於刪除。數據分析顯示法語借詞中的語言變異(variation)極為普遍,此現象說明國語中的法語借詞尚未完全詞彙化 (lexicalization),而是仍在持續進行。因此本論文採用ROE模型 (rank-ordering model of EVAL, Coetzee 2006)來解釋法語借詞轉譯的變異現象。
法語音段的調整現象和變異情形可訴諸於制約的排序與互動。根據ROE模型,制約係以中界線(cut-off line)加以區隔,違反中界線以上的候選值會直接淘汰,而僅違反中界線以下的候選值皆可成為優選值。本研究發現,中界線以上的制約包含結構制約、信實制約、以及聯合制約(conjoined constraint);中界線以下的制約則多為信實制約。音韻表徵(phonological features)如[labial]與[nasal]在轉譯的過程中必須保留,而是否違反[voice]與[spread glottis]等表徵僅會造成語言變異。
制約的交錯排序、互動,以及中界線的位置對於法語借詞的現象提出了解釋。借詞音韻並非自成一個系統,而是反映了借入語和普遍語法皆存在的制約。
This thesis investigates the phonological adaptations of French loanwords in Mandarin. The focus is on the loanword adjustment of French consonants and nasal vowels. A loanword corpus is established. Based on the statistical analysis, the adaptation pattern of each foreign segment is provided. The thesis observes that preservation and adaptation are the major strategies in loanword adaptation. The only exception is [ʁ] in the coda position, which has segment deletion as the major substitute. Variant substitutes are common in French loanwords, which suggest that the loanword adaptation of French is an ongoing process in Mandarin.
Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004) is the major framework in this thesis. To account for variations, Coetzee’s (2006) rank-ordering model of EVAL (ROE) is also used for analysis. A critical cut-off line divides the constraints into two parts: constraints above the cut-off line, and constraints below the cut-off line. Violations of the former are fatal, while violations of the latter lead to variations. The fatal constraints place restrictions on illicit segments, segment combinations, and prosodic preferences. These crucial constraints include markedness constraints, faithfulness constraints, or even the conjunction of the two. Constraints below the cut-off line are mostly IDENT constraints. Violations of IDENT features such as [voice] and [spread glottis] bring only variations. This is contrary to the violations of IDENT [nasal] and IDENT [labial], which result in ill-formedness.
Based on the constraint ranking and the position of the cut-off line, the thesis shows that loanword phonology does not form an idiosyncratic grammar. Instead, it includes the constraints that are latent in L1 and reflects universal grammar.
Acknowledgements…………………………………………………………..iii-iv
Table of Contents……………………………………………………………..v-vii
Chinese Abstract……………………………………………………………….viii
English Abstract………………………………………………………………….ix
Chapter 1 Introduction 1
1.1 Research Issue 1
1.2 The Sound System of French and Mandarin 2
Chapter 2 Literature Review 11
2.1 Optimality Theory 11
2.1.1 Basic Tenets of OT 11
2.1.2 Rank-Ordering Model of EVAL (ROE) 14
2.2 Bases of Mandarin and French Phonology 17
2.2.1 Mandarin 17
2.2.2 French 18
2.3 Previous Studies on Loanwords in Mandarin 20
2.4 Research on French Loanwords 21
Chapter 3 Corpus 24
3.1 The Corpus 24
3.2 Statistical Analysis-Onset Adaptations 26
3.2.1 Alveo-Dental Lateral [l] and Uvular Fricative [ʁ] 26
3.2.2 Voiceless Stops 27
3.2.3 Voiced Stops 28
3.2.4 Voiceless Fricatives 30
3.2.5 Voiced Fricatives 31
3.2.6 Nasals 33
3.3 Statistical Analysis-Coda and Nasal Vowel Adaptations 34
3.3.1 Alveo-Dental Lateral [l] and Uvular Fricative [ʁ] 35
3.3.2 Nasals 36
3.3.3 Voiceless Fricatives 39
3.3.4 Voiced Fricatives 41
3.3.5 Voiceless Stops 43
3.3.6 Voiced Stops 45
3.3.7 Affricates 47
3.3.8 Nasal Vowels 47
3.4 Summary and Comparison with Miao’s (2005) Analysis 48
Chapter 4 Optimality Theory Analysis 54
4.1 Adaptation of Onset Consonants 54
4.1.1 Illicit Onset Consonants 55
4.1.2 Adaptation of Shared Segments 72
4.2 Adaptation of Coda Consonants 76
4.3 Adaptation of Nasal Vowels 92
4.4 Minimal Word and Mora Deletion 94
4.5 Non-phonological Factors 96
4.6 Summary and Comparison with Previous Studies 97
Chapter 5 Conclusion 102
5.1 Thesis Summary 102
5.2 Further Issues 105
References 107
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